Exploring Pornographys Link To Sexual Violence

Feminist scholars have argued that “pornography is the theory of rape, and rape is the practice” (Morgan, 1980). Critically consider what feminist explanations have to say about the association between pornography viewing and sexual violence, and whether there is any research evidence to support this statement.

One of the hypotheses propagated in feminist scholarship on sexual violence relates to pornography consumption and its link to sexual violence and the consequent objection to all forms of pornographic material as something that propagates negative perceptions of women and leads to misogynist perceptions to sexual violence. Morgan (1980) wrote about the link between pornography viewing and sexual violence by saying that “pornography is the theory of rape, and rape is the practice.” This view presupposes all pornography to be violent in nature as a theory of rape which then leads to increased violence against women. This view has been echoed in a range of feminist literature, which has argued that there is a link between the viewing of pornographic content and sexual violence. For instance, Langton and West (1999) argued that pornography is the presupposing of the rape myth which encourages misogynist attitudes to rapes and popularises the myth that women enjoy being raped. This is not always acceptable to those who argue that there is no link between pornography and sexual violence. This essay critically analyses the feminist explanations of the association between rape and pornography based on the research evidence.

In feminist literature on pornography and its association with rape, the often included arguments are that pornography misrepresents women attitudes to rape and encourages misogynist attitudes towards women based on the rape myth. One of the seminal essays on this feminist perspective noted that pornography told lies about women but truth about men” (Stoltenberg, 1989). In other words, the argument that is being made is that pornography popularises the myth that women like sexual violence and enjoy being raped. The second argument is that viewing of pornography leads to rape and sexual violence because based on their experience of viewing the pornographic content, men develop misplaced notions about not women feel about sexual violence leading them to normalise rape (Langton & West, 1999). The argument is extended to the misreading of ‘no’ by women as ‘yes’ based on the ideas propagated and normalised through pornography that sometimes when women say no they mean yes (Langton & West, 1999). In this way, feminist literature argues that there is a link or association between pornography and rape or sexual violence. This can then be supposed to mean that viewing pornography leads to sexual violence.

The first question that is raised is whether pornography does raise presuppositions that women enjoy being raped. To answer this question in yes would mean that all pornography is the same kind which involves women being raped or sexually violated to their enjoyment. In a research by Williams (1989), the author established that while there are some hard core pornographic content that may depict women enjoying rape, it cannot be generalised that all pornographic content raises this issue as there are diverse kind of pornographic content, much of which may not subscribe to the presupposition of the rape myth. In a more recent research, this finding by Williams (1989) is supported where the authors write that in their research involving a number of pornographic films, not one had perpetuated the rape myth by showing rape scenes (Bridges, et al., 2010). Therefore, to answer the first question, it can be said that all pornographic content is not the same and does not generalise the rape myth by depicting women being raped and enjoying the experience.

The next part of this essay will consider whether the research on this subject reveals such a link between pornography and sexual violence or rape. As such, there is little evidence to support the feminist argument that there is a link between exposure to pornography and perpetration of sexual violence. For instance, in one study, the researchers found that there was little evidence of negative impacts of even violent or hard core pornography, which in itself is a rarer form of pornography in the real world (Ferguson & Hartley, 2009). More importantly, the data for this research indicated an ‘inverse relationship’ between the consumption of pornography and rape rates (Ferguson & Hartley, 2009). In other words, consumption of pornography may not have any evidentially supported link.

On the other hand, it is argued that feminist scholarship’s focus on a link between pornography and sexual violence based on a feminist perspective that shows pornography as an example of male dominance is wrong and presumes that women who participate in pornography have no freedom or choice (Mardorossian, 2002). This view argues that feminist objections to pornography is misplaced and is based on the perception that women who participate in the creation of such pornographic material are forced to do so. This too has no evidential support because research shows that significant amount of pornographic material is created in consensual environments and is commercial in nature (Bridges, et al., 2010).

To conclude this essay, it can be said that the feminist argument on the link between pornographic consumption and rape and sexual violence is made on wrong or incorrect assumptions and generalisations about pornography as well as the impact of pornography on sexual crime. Evidence does not support the argument that all pornographic material advances the rape myth and that men respond to this by increased sexual violence against women. Therefore, the argument advanced by radical feminists is simplistic and does not take into account the diversity of pornography. Neither does it provide evidential justification for the argument that viewing of pornographic content leads to increase in sexual crimes against women. It also is wrong on the point of taking away the concept of choice or freedom of women who do participate in pornographic content creation out of their will and for commercial reasons. Finally, it does not provide a reasonable explanation of how reduction of pornography can lead to prevention of rape and sexual offences against women.

“It is very obvious when a person is being stalked and it is easy to put an end to this behaviour”. Critically discuss this statement by making reference to the nature of stalking, Mullen’s (1999) typology of stalkers, and methods of reduction.

Stalking is usually an intrusive behavioural phenomenon, which is accompanied by a range of complex activities, such as calls, letters, e-mail, graffiti, surveillance, threats, property damage, and assault (Mullen, 1999). Considering the nature of stalking and the range of activities that are involved in stalking, it is not correct to say that it is easy to put an end to stalking, although it may sometimes be obvious when a person is being stalked. This essay argues stalking is not always obvious to the victim, and even when it is, there are a different measures for responding to it and so it may not always be easy to end. Some stalking typologies like predatory stalking and resentful stalking are difficult to respond to and be challenging to end.

To assume that stalking is easily stopped because it is obvious takes a simplistic route to understanding stalking behaviour when it is actually a complex phenomenon. At the very least, it presupposes a generalisation of definition of stalking to characterise it as obvious. Such generalisation is not justified by the range of issues involved in defining stalking. Stalking is defined on the basis of the awareness of the victim of the experience of being followed or privacy intrusion and their perception of the behaviours of the perpetrator as unwanted or alarming. The nature of stalking is such that it is obvious to the victim because their perception of the behaviours of the perpetrator is being aroused through the acts of stalking. From the point of view of definition of stalking itself therefore, it can be argued that it is an obvious activity to the victim and it arouses fear on behalf of the victim. At the same time, stalking also consists of a variety of behaviours that are difficult for individuals to identify or to understand from the scope of their impact on their lives (Tjaden, 2009). In such situations, even though the individuals are being victimised by stalking, they may not identify this or may fail to fathom its impact for them to respond to it. This is true of cases of predatory stalking which is the least intrusive and therefore does not give enough warning to the victim; victim may not even identify that they are being stalked and may not be certain of being followed by the perpetrator (Mullen, 1999).

Victimisation through stalking itself can take place through different kinds of episodes. In a research conducted by Budd, et al. (2000) for the Home Office, the researchers found that the data suggested that there are three kinds of episodes of stalking that the victims may be subjected to based on the relationship between the victim and the perpetrator, these being intimate, acquaintance and stranger. In the case of stalking by acquaintances and strangers, the victims may not be able to react or respond or even at times identify stalking activity. Moreover, in recent times, victims of stalking have had to deal with a form of stalking behaviour in online stalking that is more difficult to link to the identity of the perpetrator (Curtis, 2012). Online stalking may also be difficult to identify. In such conditions, it would be a simplistic generalisation to say that stalking is obvious therefore easily ended.

Given the problems and issues involved in defining stalking in a general way, Mullen (1999) suggested that a classification of stalkers should provide a guide to the course and duration of harassment, and the risks of escalation to assaultive behaviours. Mullen (1999) also suggested that effective strategies for ending the stalking should also be ascertained. As per Mullen (1999) stalking can be ascertained if it is repeated, persistent, and unwelcome.

The typology of stalkers noted by Mullen (1999) shows that there are different kinds of stalkers and they can generally be classified into groups of rejected, intimacy-seeking, incompetent, resentful, and predatory types of stalkers. These stalkers are classified on the basis of their behaviours and the patterns of stalking but as Mullen (1999) notes, some of these could be overlapping. Incompetent stalkers could be incorporated into the intimacy-seeking group, but there are differences in the perceived relationship to the victim and the pattern of stalking. Therefore, intervention methods would be different. Mullen (1999) notes that intimacy-seeking stalkers may themselves require different kinds of interventions based on their levels of delusion or fixation. Rejected stalkers and resentful stalkers are also different and need to be responded to differently. The predatory have a potential for sexual violence, which needs to be factored in while ascertaining the response to these stalkers for stopping their activity. At the same time, predatory stalkers may or may not have criminal convictions and substance abuse problems; in the case of latter, it is difficult to predict the likely nature and duration of stalking and the risk of assault. Due to these differences in the typologies of stalkers, it is important to identify the nature of stalking, identify the typology and respond to stalking through reduction measures. Reduction can be done through a combination of legal sanctions and therapy, which will depend on the typology of stalking. Rejected stalkers may be responded to with a combination of prosecution and supportive and directive therapeutic relationship, (Mullen, 1999). Intimacy-seeking stalkers may be responded to with the help of a combination of psychiatric intervention, and incarceration. The same response cannot be given to predatory stalkers, wherein stalking can be more effectively ended with incarceration and then management of the paraphilic disorder (Mullen, 1999). Incompetent stalkers can be responded to with measures for improving interpersonal sensitivity and communication skills (Mullen, 1999). Similar measures will not help end resentful stalking episodes as the stalker in such cases is driven by vengeful objectives.

To conclude, stalking is not always easy to identify, such as, predatory stalking. Therefore, there can be stalking episodes that may not be known to the victim or the victim may not be certain of being stalked. At the same time, the effectiveness of the measures to end stalking depends on the successful identification of stalking type as different kinds of stalkers need different kinds of interventions. Therefore, it would be wrong to generalise identification and responses to end stalking or to assume that it is easy to identify and address.