According to Moghadam (2003), on Gender and Social Change in the Middle East, she claims that a woman’s social position and legal status in the Middle East is prescribed in the Islamic theology as well as the law, which significantly determines their statuses. It is to say that, women are perceived to be wives and mothers, and segregation based on gender is customary, and in most cases legally needed. For a woman to earn a status, she must first marry and reproduce. However, Lila Abu-Lughod (1998), in the Remaking Women: Feminism and modernity in the Middle East, Identifies that since the 1990s, women in the Middle East are courageously fighting for their rights and positions in the political arena, particularly in nations such as Iran and Egypt. Since then, gender has become a nationalist issue and as a result, there have been major developments in the development of feminism dichotomy and social statuses. Finally, Joseph and Slyomovics (2011), on Women and Power in the Middle East, compares gendering of relations of power among women in twelve states in the Middle East, in which they develop a broad patterns of gender in the region that would be comprehended on the roles women have per taken in the politics and times when women were politically mobilized to counter the ancient status quo and roles that were and still are considered customary and theologically necessary in the Islamic world. Toumi (2018), describes the State of Bahrain is a tiny highland country off the Coast of Peninsula. It has a total population of 738, 001 individuals with a growth rate of 1.2% and birth rate of 16.8/1000 under an area of 700 Square Kilometers. The country is dominated by the Islamic religion where over 80% of the population. Chalcraft (2010), depict that the form of leadership in Bahrain is Monarch with the Sunnis dominating the political and economic spheres of Bahrain. Majority of people in the country live in cities with over 60% of the population concentrated in Manama and Al Muharraq cities, as well as majority, being a Shi’i or Sunni. For centuries, Bahrain has been an entry point into the Arab territory from the Persian Gulf. The laws are constructed under the Islam laws known as Sharia, and the Holy Book guiding these laws and the rhythms of life and relationships of both genders is the Qur’an.
According to Alshehabi (2014), research conducted in form of interviews among women in Bahrain that bias against them is one major indicator of the decline of economic and political frameworks within the democratic process. Blanchard (2003), on the growth of feminist security concept argue that the freedom of women is meant to penetrate into the public sphere to reflect in a great extent the kind of social and political frameworks that should exist in a democratic state. Their equal access to political processes indicates the standards of social injustices within the society. Toum (2018), affirms that during the pre-National Action Charter of 2001, women and political participation in Bahrain was one of the main demands, and it was extensively recognized by that nation’s society of the role of women played and are still played in the socioeconomic and political aspects. At the same time, it was an expression of a civilized mentality and an expanded vision of both leaders as well as the citizens of Bahrain.
True (2017), acknowledges feminist concepts of International Relations (IR) debates among themselves over critical queries concerning methodology, epistemology, ethics, and ontology. These theories are unique in the sense that they possess ethical commitment to include and self-reflect and at the same time be keen to relationships and power in them. These theories guide the feminist while putting their own critical concepts, normative commitments and epistemologies into practice. For that reason, the Bahrain states underwent numerous policy reforms to include women in senior positions has as recommended by the IR and the internal government in taking stances towards improving the statuses of women. Beside the Feminist IR, the country’s ‘the quasi-governmental Supreme Council for Women (SCW), as well as the Non-Governmental Organization of Women’s Union Umbrella group, have taken an initiative to promote the rights of women where Byrne (1997), claim that family law codes in the Sharia laws were promulgated to mitigate injustices towards the spatially domestic laborers. According to True (2017), feminist movements have a common goal of global social change, social movement. Feminist scholars have made it possible to appreciate multidimensional identities and internal diversities. In the current United Nations reforms, feminist movements in Bahrain have alleged the need for power housing as a means to spearhead the rights of girls and women in the country, rather than a structure where every individual is accountable for accommodating gender prospects. Focusing on the Marxist-oriented analytical department, True (2017), attest that feminist movements are focusing to turn around the society and focus on socialization. It indicates that not only the IR ideas are gender-biased or even based on male assumption as well as representation, but they indicate the method gender is centrally placed in the IR. For instance, in Bahrain, according to Karolak (2012), modernity policies, as well as the female domestic labor, have allowed both genders in the upper-class to invest in work so that to economically steer the country forward. This kind of focus without the inclusion of women, specifically immigrants from the neighboring states, could not make the state a tourist destination it is now.
Whitman and Gomez (2009), argue on the Strategies for policy makers that the perspectives of feminist on IR have drawn conclusion that the dominance of masculinities over femininities on global social, economic, and political life identify that the experiences of human trafficking, sex trade and discrimination of women in GCC states have been drawn from the experiences of marginalization and oppression of the weaker sex. Blanchard (2003), adds that these conclusions were attained through interrogation of gender-biased inherent in rationalist methods of identifying and embedding in the main ideas and concerns by the IR, such as sovereignty, states, security, global governance, power, and international conflicts. The Bahrain Center for Human Rights (2014), revealed that rampant cases of the spread of venereal disease forced the government of Bahrain to take steps and stand against the sex trafficking and with the undermined women in Bahrain. In 2001, the government adopted the National Action Charter and later the following year ratified a new constitution to improve the autonomy, security as well as the freedom of the Bahrain women. Harvey (2003) and Kapiszewski (2006), identifies that the government has imposed the rules, it took an initiative too to immensely combat human trafficking as well as create shelters to support the abused women. The review on the Bahrain Center for Human Rights (2009), by the year 2002, women had not achieved any senior positions in Bahrain, as the country was still under tough social norms and religious rules that indicated that women were still inferior to men. However, the new constitution had authorized the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). The law created stipulations to several significant forages, along with those that regarded family law, the provision of nationality as well as the housing rights. At this rate, an article on Migrant Rights of 2015, affirms that Bahrain was becoming the forerunner within the GCC states regarding the rights of women. The process of the CEDAW seemed slow due to the pressures and religious frontrunners fighting it on all end, but by the year 2006, Bahrain women could access adequate medical care, academic opportunities as well as employment. The progressive support from major international institutions such as the Feminist IR had made major strides to attain an actual equality. With time, there has been women participation in the workplaces, in businesses and in the government offices.
Feminism’s normative and ideals are committed to specific international relations ideals. True (2017), argues that as a citizen of any state, irrespective of gender deserves inclusivity and self-reflexivity whether consciously or not. Thus the Feminist IR activists and scholars always questions governments’ legitimacy of how they could expel women or in greater case involve women at only a section of their extents. Hanieh (2015), claim that the Bahrain government took an initiative and conducted formal consultations to shift from public relation framework to a mixed structure since 2002 and went on for a decade, centering their objective to balance the status quo. Other important positions offered to women were the Ministry of Health that was headed by Nada Haffadh in 2004. According to Toumi (2018), later the following year, Fatima al-Balushi was appointed the Minister of Social Development. The year 2008, Sheikha May Bint Mohammed al- Khalifa was delegated the Minister of Culture and Information, and in the year 2012, Sameera bint Ibrahim Rajab was appointed Minister of State for Information Affairs. Needless to say, such high positions may seem symbolic, but these positions were based on family connections, thus some of these women contributed to patriarchal politics that depended on their political affiliations. Hanieh (2013), attest that since the taking of power by Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa, women’s rights have greatly enhanced, and in the year 2006. For instance, Karolak (2014), identifies one woman by the name Latifa al-Gaoud triumphed a position in a widely voted in Council of Representative after contesting solely and became the first female Member of Parliament in any GCC member states. It is an ideal of mathematical delineation of women in legislative organizations known as in several conclusions as gender interest concept of delineation as well as mathematical delineation.
A study on Strategies for Policymakers of 2009, researchers depicted that transitions for democracy are molded and strengthened when women are actively involved government, either as appointed or elected official. Reason being is that they increase the legitimacy of nascent organizations, reduce corruption and broaden political agendas. However, the role of women in senior positions specifically in governmental susceptive is still inadequate in Bahrain, and women still seem to be under- delineated in the private as well as public sector. Studies have stressed that the transition to democracy is strengthened when women are actively involved in government. But it is not the case in Bahrain, and Feteris (1972), identifies that in contemplation to contesting; women have inadequate connection to gender-mixed frames like community gatherings or mosques. Among the interviews undertaken, most of the respondents mentioned that the Bahrain king’s family is very influential within the government. Toumi (2018), identifies that for a woman to acquire a senior position in the government, they must have family connections. In any case, a woman happened to have opposing political views, regardless of the qualification of that woman, she was excluded. So those in senior positions were subjected to tender to community, principles and social growth at a ground positions than at the national stage.
Narayan (1998) has argued that gender and cultural essentialism are detrimental to agendas feminist movements are trying to attain. In that respect, despite the acquisition of senior positions in the public and the private sector in Bahrain, women are facing a number of challenges steering this phenomenon. A survey conducted by Dr. Seikaly (2014), indicated that was undertaken in private institutions, it was identified that women are faced with a double-burden syndrome, which is mirrored by responsibilities of being the caretaker within the family as well as the proficient position concurrently. The issue is usually extended at anywhere unspecified moment accomplishment ideal of several business sectors. Several interviews according to Sperling et al., (2014), also pointed out that attitude towards women in these positions emerged as a significant challenge for women. The attitudes are based on inference that women are inferior dedicated to progressive, indelible careers than men. Tendencies are provided with inordinate encumbrance to occurrences or even observations that ratify contradictory presumption towards women.
Irrespective of the significant strides the State of Bahrain has made in integrating measures in support towards women, there is a need to put up appropriate structures and supporting policies towards women. The reason behind is that there are intangible traditions and laws still embedded into the social economic and political structures that are the most powerful barriers to women and leadership. For instance, it was identified that most women do not have access to mosques or certain governmental departments. Also, some women in the senior positions responded to an interview claimed that there is a significant lack of public policies to ease the social pressures they are facing in their positions.
In Bahrain, there has been increased participation of women in the labor market, which is considered impressive; bearing in mind the state is one of the members of GCC where there are traditions strictly constructed to demean women. Unfortunately, acquiring senior positions is still constrained to a certain extent. However, the Feminist movements such as the CEDAW and the Feminist IR under the United Nations have pressured the milestone the government has achieved in including women in senior positions. Senior positions mostly have been provided to women since 2002 but mostly in the year 2014, larger numbers of women have been provided with an opportunity in parliament and other public sector departments such as the judiciary and International representation. Feminist movements and scholars that equality and provision of women in governing institutions promote collaboration across theoretical lines and social sectors have considered emphases.
Abu-Lughod, L. ed., 1998. Remaking women: Feminism and modernity in the Middle East. Princeton University Press.
Blanchard, E.M., 2003. Gender, international relations, and the development of feminist security theory. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 28(4), pp.1289-1312.
Byrne, L.H., 1997. Feminists in Power: Women Cabinet Ministers in the New Democratic Party (NDP) Government of Ontario, 1990–1995. Policy Studies Journal, 25(4), pp.601-612.
Dr May Seikaly , Rahil Roodsaz and van Egten (2014)., The Situation of Women in the Gulf States. WOMEN’S RIGHTS AND GENDER EQUALITY AUTHORS, Wayne State University, MSc, Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History Drs Corine, Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women’s History. European Parliament.
Joseph, S. and Slyomovics, S. eds., 2011. Women and power in the Middle East. University of Pennsylvania Press.
Kapiszewski, A. (2006). Arab Versus Asian Migrant Workers in the GCC Countries. Paper presented to United Nations Expert Group Meeting on International Migration and Development in the Arab Region.
Karolak, M. (2014). Bahraini Women and the Arab Spring: Meeting the Challenges of Empowerment and Emancipation. In: Olimat, M Arab Spring and Arab Women: Challenges and Opportunities. Middlesex: Europa Publications Ltd.
Narayan, U., 1998. Essence of culture and a sense of history: A feminist critique of cultural essentialism. Hypatia, 13(2), pp.86-106.
Whitman, T. and Gomez, J., 2009. Strategies for policymakers: bringing women into government. Washington, DC: The Institute for Inclusive Security.
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