Global Growth of Social Work

Introduction

It is observed that the concern for social welfare provision and the role of social work in service provision is increasingly gaining global attention and is no longer confined in the western context. Midgley (2001) deems social work an advancing profession that embeds deeply within the global world. In recent years, international social work development and collaboration attention is increasing rapidly attributable to emerging global consciousness (Meeuwisse and Sward, 2007). Whilst social work has certainly gained global consciousness and is evolving, it nevertheless remains deeply embedded in the particulars of the sociocultural context in which it functions simultaneously. At a global level social work consideration Ann Davis (2007) maintains that social work practice priorities vary from diverse countries and from time to time under the cultural, socio-economic and historical conditions influence. For example, in the United Kingdom, social welfare and roles emerged during the industrial revolution (Midgley, 1981, p.17) “As the marginalized communities in the rural areas occupied the industrializing cities in large numbers during the era of nineteenth century, thus more acute urban destitution challenges while marginalized public poor relief provisions were strained. However, social work attempted to provide alternatives projected to lessen public assistance burden borne by taxpayers, seek to rehabilitate the destitute and be more humane.” Dominelli (1997) deems social work in Britain as a primary state activity, claiming that the central state funds it, though the local authority representation structures determine specific expenditures. Tanzania where this research takes place is one of the countries in East Africa where the social work profession is evidently gaining influence in terms of its role in human problem solving. There is a growing recognition of the social work career and its potential practical contribution in social problem-solving. For example, on March 22, 2017, social workers in Tanzania held a mass protest in Dar-es Salaam with a poster headed: Social workers-Tanzania: “Social workers have potential to promote social change, justice and development of developing countries … ‘Make use of us’”. This quote is an indication of the fact that the potential role of social work profession is recording a rapid growth and could contribute significantly in social problem solving and support to the needy in the country. The question to be asked is: Does social welfare service and social work career have a history in Tanzania as for example in the United Kingdom? When and how have social services provision and social work’s role in service provision developed?

The discussion in this chapter will include the following elements:

Welfare provision in pre-colonial African tradition societies

Colonial welfare provision in Tanzania (1885-1961)

Welfare provision in the socialist era in Tanzania (1961-1980s)

Welfare provision since the 1980s in Tanzania

The organization of social welfare services – and the challenges facing these services today

Maybe say a few sentences like:

Welfare provision in pre-colonial African tradition societies: what sort of societies were they?

Prior to 1885, the territory what is known as Tanzania today could be considered a traditional African society characterised by tribalism and governed through chiefdom. In light of social welfare, what sort of societies were they? Could we say that these societies were characterised by equality, classlessness, democracy, good social welfare provision and caregiving to the needy? Seeking to understand those African traditional societies in pre-colonial Africa, and Tanzania in our case is an intricate process. There seem to be two highly divergent views in the conception and examination of pre-colonial African societies: On the one hand there is the ‘colonial’ school which views pre-colonial African societies as primitive or ‘traditional’ a preferred term in modern times. This view is shared even among some of the modern-day Africans, seeing pre-colonial African societies as one of ‘tribal’ stage of development in which economic and social forces as exemplified by agriculture, is stagnant at a very low level of development (McLoughlin, 1970). On the other hand, there is the ‘nationalist’ school which argues that pre-colonial African society was characterized by equality, and by "the tenure system egalitarian nature of land "; in essence, pre-colonial African societies were classless (Rweymamu, 1970; Hill, 1972). Politicians and scholars and have portrayed the African societies during the pre-colonial period as harmonious, caring and similar entities unified by democratic tranquilities (Oyugi and Gitonga, 1995). Tanzania is a country made of 125 ethnic tribal groups. Prior to the colonial and independent era, elders and village heads or chiefs provided leadership. Julius Nyerere, born in Tanganyika to local Zanaki chief, in the year 1932, became the first president of Tanzania in 1961. He lived between 1922 and 1999. Nyerere’s leadership philosophy and the societal organisation view seemed to have been very much drawn and shaped by traditional African village way of life, which was more ‘collectiveness’, as this is reflect in his Ujamaa philosophy: “The equality of all people is instrumental to the social grouping that individual freely belongs. This implies that the ideal society is founded on human equality, freedom combination and unification of its members.” (Nyerere, 1969:10) Reconsidering social care in pre-colonial societies in Africa, Maduga (2015) maintains that in that time, communities lived for each other and were dependent on each other in times of need. The children were deemed as a society asset and the community was obligated to raise children as if they were your own. This need extended to the disabled and the seniors in the society. Also, Ombeni Safue (1981) asserts that the African hospitality tradition and extended family concept highly restrict streets destitute recourse. Instead overcrowding is observed and experienced. Too many people share small houses characterized by inadequate sanitary and kitchen facilities

Julius Nyerere, Tanzania’s first president after independency in 1961, pointed out further that the traditional African families were the most satisfying institutions for all the members. He writes: “African family life was founded on defined attitudes and practices characterized with basic equality, freedom and unity, though there some exceptions and variations where domestic slavery was in existence.” (Nyerere, 1969:11) In essence, these are democratic system tenets even from the 21st century society point of view. Certainly, the traditional set up political authority was founded on free discussion among the elders and democracy. “They engaged into discussions till they amicably agree,” he writes (Nyerere, 1969:104). The freedom of speech which the Francophones identify as ‘Palabre’ was instrumental in African democracy (Nyerere, 1969). These political systems held discussions that helped in embracing and practising government (Oyugi and Gitonga, 1995). Traditionally, customs and arrangements were applied whereby the community was an important factor in social security and support. The extended family was highly embraced as immediate family as a norm. The structure of the extended family ensured a net of safety existed. The terms ‘brother’ and ‘sister’ incorporated cousins, same mother and the same father offspring. Children boarded with relatives who lived near a school far away from home. Later, these children would compensate their relatives by assisting them financially in their old age. To this end, supporting children who are in school was deemed as a future investment form for relatives and children. Taking care of the seniors was part of both community and family life (Maduga, 2015; Platteau, 1988). Egalitarian principles governed properties ownership, and some people starved in poverty while others amassed wealth. Here we get a picture of a society in which exploiting classes were not in existence. Nyerere deemed African life as a socialist . Mwalimu Nyerere seems to have taken democracy to mean or include concepts and practices like equal access to the production means, which was basically land and probably cattle as well (Oyugi and Gitonga, 1995). He further argues that the harmonious egalitarianism principle disruption triggered inequality in Africa during colonialism, where capitalist money economy characterized the inequality. Subsequently, sordid individualism replaced the principle of belonging to a community of equals, henceforth expressing itself in measures of ambition, personal enterprise, profit maximization and more seriously, the high urge to amass wealth to the expense and detriment of others (Nyerere, 1969). Land was the major resource. Ownership of land predicated leadership, governance patterns and livelihood. Therefore, land substantially contributed to reuniting the immediate and extended community members besides its identification as a heritage.

In the pre-colonial Tanzanian societies, land was a major factor in unification of both the extended community members and immediate family members and it was also a heritage. Land was a major outlet for labour in such communities. Like most of the communities in the African context, labour in Tanzania was a form of currency for obtaining food, medication and seeds. Some communities traded labour on land with dowry payments. To this end, land determined inclusion and exclusion dynamics socially, politically and economically Hamilton and Wright (1990) discovered that: “kinship functioned as a political ideology incorporation and political exclusion ideology before the late 18th century”. Kinship and land therefore, authenticated African society’s social identity. The land was vested in the kings, in diverse kingdoms and the kings were the trustee of the land for the people and in turn they enjoyed occupancy rights (Lee-Smith, 1997). Governance structures in African societies were partially feudal and communal aligning with the earlier Africa economies until the 19th century. However, seemingly the diverse economic activities were executed to maintain loyalty to the new land owners and in turn for improved livelihoods (Brown, 1974; Bhaduri, 1973). Jomo Kenyatta writing in 1938, was even more forthright about democracy existence among his Gikuyu tribe and by extension the African traditional societies before colonialism advent. In his words: “ Gikuyu had enjoyed a democratic regime before the Europeans inhabited their land,.” (Kenyatta, 1938:13). Kenyatta further claimed that, authentically the Gikuyu had tyrannical sovereign monarchy that was overthrown in a revolution. This revolution held a representative council at ‘Mukurwe was Gathanga’ where a democratic constitution based on the people’s general will was drawn up. The new constitution was founded on principles such as land acquisition freedom; equality among all tribe members who enjoyed the rights of taking part in the government after initiation. Elections identified as (itwika) were held regularly. This democratic government constituted council of Elders identified as (kiama), basically it was mandatory for the council of elders to have passed the warriors stage; thus must have attained the age of forty years and above. The European colonialism destroyed the Gikuyu democratic government identified as Kiama. However, Godfrey Muriki, a historian on pre-colonial history of Gikuyu says that there is no evidence indicating that there was a monarchy of the Gikuyu people which was destroyed in the distant past (Muriuki, 1974:110). Muriuki is also silent on democratic regime establishment among Gikuyu group.

The indigenous governance and leadership structures in African traditional societies were mostly linked with kinship and lineage. The powers exercised by the clan elders were determined by the community. These powers incorporated, settling disputes (involving divorce, marriage, women marital status, children rights, customary heirs and land election), inheritance, peace keeping, execution of rituals, protection of shrines and gods and guarding against, famine, other disasters and drought .The tenure systems of the land were communal: communities shared land under the advice and authority of clan kings and/or heads, community elders. Other scholars, both African and foreign, certainly historians and anthropologists, described African political and social as either detached observers or more substantially with the sympathy that betrayed the assumption the African social and traditional government systems was characterized with democratic and egalitarian principles before neo-colonialism. Fortes and Evans-Pritchard (1970:10): argued that “There is likelihood that groups were welded into a unitary political system that demystified the essence of classes”. Macpherson, a political theorist, seems to go along with the above scholars, emphasising the African society’s nature of classes, as he writes, “Colonial countries exhibited relatively minimal divisions of internal classes of an exploitative kind during the revolution independence period (Macpherson, 1970: 32) Deliberating on the Ethnic Institutions in African past, Murdock (1967) maintains that there was significant heterogeneity in political centralization across African ethnicities before colonization. At the one extreme, there were states with centralized administration and hierarchical organization such as the Shongai Empire in Western Africa, the Luba kingdom in Central Africa, and the kingdoms of Buganda and Ankole in Eastern Africa. At the other extreme, there were acephalous societies without political organization beyond the village level, such as the Nuer in Sudan or the Konkomba in Ghana and Togo. The middle of the spectrum occupied societies organized in large chiefdoms and loose alliances, such as the Ewe and the Wolof in Western Africa. While these societies lacked statehood, they tended to have conflict resolution mechanisms and a somewhat centralized decision-making process (Diamond, 1997; Michalopoulos and Papaioannou, 2013). Some scholars such a Rweymamu (1970) and Hymer (1970) assert that a low degree of exchange and specialization and minimal volumes of material production accompanied the pre-colonial African equality. Others, however, tend to point out that pre-colonial African societies had internal dynamic of socio-economic development, a point which does indeed imply social differentiation development and inequalities, and the development of productive forces of the societies (Miracle, 1959, 1967). Leopold Sedar Senghor of Senegal is of the same opinion and outlines dialectical materialism limited scope and weakness that authors Marx and Engels, failed to consider identifying this as ‘the West African realities,’ the Senegalese scholar and statesman writes:

“West African realities represent the underdeveloped countries, once feudalistic- cattle countries that lack a wage earning sector and are traditionally classless and peasant countries. In this community countries the groups are prioritized at the expense of individuals; unselfish countries, where money is not king and they are especially religious countries,” (Senghor 1964:77)

For Senghor, one of the most important realities of the African is his high sense of humanism and emotion which Africa today should rekindle since it was destroyed by European colonialism. Another scholar who has indicated that in the African traditional societies there were some forms of democracy is historian Joseph K-Zerbo of BurkinaFaso, writing about societies with community based social and political structures. Ki-zerbo (1972) argues that in such societies political authority was vested in the hands of elders who were limited to rights to deliberate on ‘city matters only’. However, he adds: “But on extreme ends, the democratic assemblies moderated these gerontocracies by assisting the heads of families, villages or district s through either deliberative or advisory role.” (Ki-Zerbo, 1972:176) What should we then make of the preceded discussion and perspectives held by scholars featuring in this section? My argument in this section is that an attempt to prove that equality, democracy and highest level of social provision were in existence in these societies in the pre-colonialism era is quite elusive. Indeed, the results of careful examination and political institutions and mechanism of the pre-colonial analysis of African societies is a mixture of democratic tendencies or rudiments and aristocratic practices, militaristic and autocratic practices and tendencies with despotism divergent degrees on the other (Oyugi and Gitonga, 1995:51). When colonialists Africa, they did not find a pure democratic, egalitarian, equal, very caring, traditional and base but rather despotism and rudimentary democratic institutions diverse mixtures. This institutions ranged from hardly noticeable models like in the so- called a cephalous society, mild ones and to quite brutal ones in the highly centralised states which denied any democratic practices (Oyugi and Gitonga, 1995). However, colonialism unleashed such discrimination, violence and exploitation, young and old, educated and uneducated Africans soon forgot pre-colonial African society’s traditional rulers undemocratic practices and violence. Therefore, the past was depicted as a bygone world of harmony, bliss, and democracy and caring. The pre-colonial African leaders were now seen as heroes who had championed the cause of equality, democracy and people’s sovereignty in the face of foreign invasion.

Colonial welfare provision in Tanzania (1885-1961)

The attempt of bringing welfare state to late colonial Africa was an endeavor taken by various colonial powers, such as Germany, British and France in their respective control areas. There are a few studies on the Tanzania’s formal social security origins and development for instance, Tungaraza (1988) and Bossert (1987) studies. Bossert examines modern social security development and origin up to 1983 from the pre-colonial period, while Tungaraza examines the period between 1961 and 1988. Bossert (1987) argues that the Tanzania formal social security can be rooted to the colonial penetration period, first, by the Germans between 1885 and 1918 followed by the British between 1918 and 1961, after the establishment of new political system alongside plantations and the imposition of a hut tax implantation which contributed to migration of some African societies in to diverse economic enterprises while others participated in cash crop production. A study on Tanganyika under colonial rule by Iliffe (1969) asserts that in 1987 the first taxation ordinance was issued .Areas that were politically controlled fully were subjected to a hut tax that was projected as 'educational', in that it was intended to oblige Africans accustom themselves to European administrative discipline and to accept paid labour. The 'educational' objectives were soon outweighed by the pressing need for current revenue. Other studies examined the impacts of Germany’s rule in Tanzania and the activities in the country in that era. For example, Heinrich Brode (1969/2016) in describing the activities maintains that Germans enhanced both economic growth and commerce. More than a 100,000 acres (40,000 ha) were subjected to sisal cultivation, which was deemed as the largest cash crop. There were large cotton plantations, 2 million coffee trees were and rubber trees grew on 200,000 acres (81,000 ha). In the beginning of 1888, the Usambara Railway was built from Tanga to Moshi to bring these agricultural products to the market .The central railroad covered linked Dar es Salaam, Tabora, Morogoro and Kigoma, and was about 775 miles (1247km). While these activities may appear to indicate to a modern reader an impression of early economy, infrastructure and to some degree a social development in Tanzania, it should not be forgotten that the true motivation and purpose for these developments were to meet the colonizer’s interests and needs of that time. Reflecting on the interests and purpose that underlined the colonial activities, Iliffe (1969) writes:

“East Africa became famous in the 1890s, as the paucity of mineral resources in German as the German ruler’s objective was to foster valuable cash crops to the German market. Cotton seed was distributed to Swahili and Arab plantation owners and to village headmen and along the southern coast in hope of liberating the German textile industries from American cotton supplies. The DOAG experimented with coffee, rubber, tea, tobacco and cotton on various estates in the northeast, a region that recorded a high number of European settlement in the late 1890s.After introduction of Sisal in 1893, it emerged the major colony plantation cash-crop export over the next two decades.”

Maduga (2015:28) made a similar observation about the colonial involvement in social security in Tanzania, he writes:

“When the Germans introduced the hut tax (the first tax ordinance) towards the end of the 1800s the main objective was said to be educative. The tax regime was used to force the indigenous people to accept paid employment. The hut tax contributed to local uprisings such as the famous Majimaji [water water] war in the southern part of the country.”

It is interesting to learn that whatever activity or program was introduced in Tanzania, it was for the purpose to aid the interests and purpose of the colonizers, which was raw materials, and subjugation of the natives. Mchomvu, Tungaraza and Maghimbi (2002) asserts that during this period, some social security measures such as compensation payments to workers injured during their scope of duty, pensions schemes, and education and health services provision to serving colonial government officials were introduced , thus the present nucleus formal social security system was formed. Bossert (1987) argues that Tanzania’s formal social security was initiated by the colonial administration as opposed to African workers and political leader’s pressure. The medical field initiated these measures, the old age pension schemes subsequently followed and later workmen’s compensation schemes were introduced (Mchomvu, Tungaraza and Maghimbi, 2002). Joram (2013) argues that the coming of colonialists in search of markets, raw materials and labour and as well as investment areas necessitated the establishment of hospitals, schools and basic infrastructural lines so as to facilitate easier mines and plantations work. Reflecting on the history of colonial activities in Tanzania by Bossert, Mchomvu, Tungaraza and Maghimbi (2002), it seems the notion of taxation and contributory pension scheme in Tanzania at this time may not have been strongly part of the African’s way of life and the daily living experience. It could be argued that prior to the colonial era, agricultural activities in Africa and in Tanzania to that matter, the majority of natives engaged in producing crops/food for themselves rather than the market. Commercial activities, including selling and buying in the traditional African society, was very much in the form known as ‘barter transaction system model’. According to Graeber (2001:154), bartering exchange goods or services evenly without using money as a medium of exchange between nations, individuals and businesses. In Tanzania, this model of business happened when, for example, a person wanted to buy a piece of land/farm from another person, an agreement would be to exchange a cattle or goat for a farm/land. Money or monetary thinking in the traditional African society would have been the last mode or resort or solution to be considered for the wellbeing of a person. However, that all changed, the colonial invention and its activities in Tanzania would have had huge impact not only at culturally, mentally but profoundly socioeconomic of the society. Though the presence of the western colonizers and their activities in Tanzania was an imposition, the activities and emphasis on cash crops, monetary oriented market and the introduction of formal social security could be taken to be an unprecedented development from which the Tanzanian generations and the government of that time and that followed could not break away from but embrace it. The idea of social security, social service and social work in Tanganyika under the British colonial administration (1918-1961) The British took over Tanzania as colony from Germany and Tanzania which was known as Tanganyika from the year 1918 to 1961. The British significantly contributed in efforts and discourses that regulated both rural and urban areas social life in late colonial Tanzania. The questions to ask here are: Did the British colonial administration in Tanganyika establish social security, social welfare service? Was the social work profession role in social issues and social service provision introduced by the British administration in Tanganyika society? The governor of German East Africa issued “rights of indigenous workers decree” in 1909 that introduced employer’s duty that guaranteed employees medical care. However, the employers were hesitant to execute this measure (Tetzlaff, 1970). The ‘Master and Servants Ordinance’, was enacted by the British which offered small industrial compensation by employers to the employees in case of industrial accidents (Bossert, 1985:101).Initially, African government clerks were classified into lower administrative ranks that lacked both employer’s contribution and pension rights. The ‘Provident Fund (Government Employees) Ordinance’, introduced lower ranks funds that had a provision for at least small payments in case of premature inability to work and retirement from 1942 onwards (Tangayika Labour Department, 1950:29). European colonizers likened Africans essentially with ‘primitive tribesmen’ until 1930s. Extraction of casual labour or unskilled skills and conservation of tribal Africa ossification was a common practice. However, these assumptions slowly faced a challenge in a decade before the Second World War. As Cooper depicts, a major reason for these objection was that such policies impacted on global semi-stagnation while development was an imperative aspect in the global world (Cooper, 1996).The sudden manifestation of industrial action capacity by African workers’ was instrumental. There was need to treat African workers as workers as opposed to Africans. The colonial state focused on the European family in an attempt to conceptualize structures that promoted a stable, ‘detribalized’ urbanized town working class. A set of projects including the approval of moderate trade unions, creation of living space and social security systems establishment were initiated by colonial authorities. The French colonial administration in West Africa introduced family allowances, but the British were extremely hesitant to comply in Tanganyika and elsewhere (Cooper, 1996:362). The author research problem on ‘detribalization’, published in 1959, M. J. B. Molohan frankly, a former provincial commissioner emphasized: “compulsory state control of provident fund scheme is questionable and links this with high administration costs” (Molohan, 1959:67). Molohan addressed both administrative and financial burden that would be heavy to the Africans. In 1959, Gower, an acting governor justified the lack of state-sponsored social security systems linking it with African society’s specific depositions: “social security is alien to Africa and is not an individual or family responsibility, this was the underlying philosophy” (Eckert, 2004:475). Indeed, African trade unionists and nationalists in Tanganyika were not aggressive on the social security issue on their agenda (Friendland, 1969). The late 1940s strikes spearheaded by railway workers and dockworkers, mainly focused higher wages demand to meet high living costs (Brennan, 2002). The Tanganyika African Government Servants Association (TAGSA), an occupational group representative, that preferred petition to striking, in which the group complained about the high costs of, newspapers, living space, cinema, books and tickets, a decade after the second world war (TNA, 1951). Moreover, the British favorism to Asian employees against African employees was a bone of contention between Asians and Africans employees thus enmity thrived between the two races (Brennan, 2002). The government retarded Africans recruitment for higher administrative posts that incorporated pension rights, until the last minute.

Lord Hailey, a great theoretician of British colonial policy, endorsed the social security system ‘externalizing’ practice in the 1930’s. In his African Survey that was influential he stated that “ treating the native reserves as man-power reservoirs , is a form of saving that outlay social services while on other circumstances might be incurred on behalf of industrialized labour” (Lord Hailey 1938:710). No wonder the few social policy realm measures exclusively benefited Europeans until the Second World War (Kaufman, 1985). Lewis (2000) asserts that the social welfare vague concept was a favoured means of expressing a new imperial commitment to colonialists during and after Second World War. Social engineering metropolitan forms were now applied to colonial issues more vigorously. The stage of colonial policy was invaded by a new generation of professional experts. Low and Lonsdale (1976) asserts that the welfare state in British colonies introduction between 1940s and 1950s was part of what is currently identified as ‘Africa’s second colonial occupation’. However, Eckert (2004) points out, Implementation of such a system in Africa was coupled with challenges such as there was little urge for formalizing institutionalized labour markets and social security state sponsored systems were not widely spread on south of the Sahara. Dorothy Hodgson (2000:55) asserts that British officials believed that initiatives for development would promote ideologically more stable and productive colonies, thus in an attempt to increase the agricultural and industrial sectors efficiency, health care ,education and welfare policy restructuring the British sent waves of experts to Africa in post war years tumult. Frederick Cooper (1996) in his decolonization and the labour question seminal study emphasized that European administrators primarily thought of modernization and development in terms of labour issues for most African colonies in 1945. Cooper argues that social development and social security initiatives focus was on the urban areas, hence efforts for creation of a ‘modern’ urban African worker were made. These efforts projected on response to increasing strikes and labour unrest in diverse mining areas and African cities prior and post Second World War. The author concluded that European imagination of modernity transported to the colonies affected the working conditions in labouring population designated segment opening up political possibilities that was significantly seized by African labour movement (Cooper, 1996:447). Most Tanganyika colonial officials made considerable efforts gather related directives from London .It was until after 1945 when several British experts inhabited Tanganyika, determined to drag Tanzanian’s into the twentieth century’, majority of the administrators were keen to preserve structures that were ethnic-based for both ideological and financial reasons. The Tanganyika British officials emphatically asserted that, first, it is imperative for true democratic structures to be established on the rural local level. In the meantime, democracy was something for the future; Africans had to learn and mature democratically (Westcott, 1982). A similar paternalistic approach applied to social development after a short time of urban focus in this field in the post war years, the colonial administration increasingly directed its attention to the rural areas. The Social Development Department reported in 1951 that particular attention has been paid … to provide for the social development of the ninety-eight per cent of the population who live in rural areas, to conform to the political and economic development which is now taking place (Tanzania National Archives (TNA), 1955). The debate about the need to introduce new systems of social security in Africa during the 1940s took place in a context of colonial governments. Cooper (1996:83) writes, “anxious to find a new basis of legitimacy and control in an era when social and political movements in the colonies were asserting themselves with new vigor … African movements sought to turn the government’s need for order and economic growth into claims to entitlements and representation, officials had to rethink their policies in the face of new African challenges.” Similarly, Iliffe (1987:11) writes “Until the Second World War, the colonial state and European private employers delegated the field of social security more or less completely to what they labelled ‘traditional African solidarity’, occasionally also to the few private and church welfare institutions”. Only in the early 1940s did France and Britain begin to introduce, at least provisionally, institutionalized systems of social security in their African territories. However, under the prevailing economic circumstances the colonial regimes soon felt incapable of bearing the high costs which wage rates oriented towards European levels (and related employers’ contributions) would have caused even when including only a small number of African workers and employees in the social security system. Looking at implementation of social security, Baldwin (1990) maintains that in Western Europe, at least during the era of prosperity after the Second World War, social security belonged to the general sphere of civil rights, which disconnected it in part from the market. In Africa, however, social security always kept its character as a privilege, to which only a small minority had access. Apart from social welfare systems established or attempted to be established by the colonial powers, it is interesting examine social work profession history. The question how and when social work profession and its role in social problem-solving contributed to social service provision in Tanzania thus generating two divergent ideas by current Tanzania social work practitioners and scholars. The first idea propagates that the social work profession in Tanzania is linked with western root. This view point maintains that the first social work professional activity in Tanzania provided a probation services initiated on 6 October 1950 following the declaration of the 1947 Probation of Offenders Ordinance (UK) which was first applied in the districts of Dar es Salaam. Those who hold this view attribute the beginning of social work to the time of British Colonial administration in Tanzania. For example, Mwansa and Kreitzer (2012) maintain that the development of modern social welfare and social work is a result of colonialism. The idea that social work is an imposed profession on the Tanzania society is strongly stressed in the words of Mabeyo (2014:127) as she writes: “the social work profession in Tanzania did not begin at the same time and from the same contexts as in developed countries like England and other European countries. The profession also did not emanate from the direct efforts and expressed needs of the indigenous Tanzanians.” The picture emerging here is that local Tanzanians never considered the profession at the first place and let alone the need of having such a profession. Therefore, social work in Tanzania according to this point of view is a stranger profession on the basis that it was started by western colonizers and not by local native people. Also, this view seems to imply that the social work profession because it was not started by Tanzanians, nor did it arise from the local people’s felt needs, raises a question of its relevant profession-credibility in the context. Some studies have questioned the initial purpose of the social work profession in colonial time Tanzania. For example, Njimba and Ng’ondi (2006) maintain that the initial role of social work focused on the protection of the interests of the colonialists and not the colonised per se.

The perception that social work was founded in 1947 by British influence is supported by activities such as introduction of laws for instance the Young Persons and the Children 1937 Ordinance, Probation of Offenders Ordinance of 1947, Affiliation Ordinance of 1949, and Foster Care and Adoption Ordinance of 1955 (Wairire, Twikirize & Spitzer, 2014). Such activities formed the basis for pre-independence era social work. As an approach of effecting this ordinance implementation, one assistant probation officer and a British officer for Dar es Salaam were employed in 1949. These probation officers are deemed as the first professional social workers in Tanzania. In May 1951 an assistant probation officer was employed for Tanga (the Eastern region), and in 1955, another probation assistant officer was appointed for Morogoro. Two more probation officers were appointed and allocated at two primary courts of Kisarawe and Dar es Salaam, and continous appointments of probation officers followed in Arusha, Morogoro, Mwanza and Moshi (Njimba, 2011). A speculation within this perspective is that, primarily social work was established to pacify the colony of Tanzanian through influencing behaviour changes among the law violators (Njimba, 2011). Indeed, this is an interesting interpretation of social work and nature role. Interestingly, it is said that social work service was deemed necessary in city or urban settings during the during colonial era as oppose to the perception in rural settings. According to Mabeyo (2014) social welfare programs for the rural areas were never instituted as it was perceived that the custom and tribal law framework would satisfy both families and individuals security needs in rural areas. Seemingly, the urge for having probation officers was high in towns as opposed to villages. Perhaps British rulers established that towns/centres are likely to generate discord and trouble, thus necessitating strong controls. Therefore, it could be argued that the British colonial activities and specifically how the British enacted these laws during that era was the foundation of Tanzania’s social work’s role in social issues. social work profession today contributes in diverse sectors, such as prisons, hospitals, helping juvenile delinquents in normal life transition, eldercare and child care .To this end, these contributions can be rooted to the British administration enactment of these laws forming a foundation for social work in Tanzania. Another perception links beginning of social work with the existence of Institute of Social Work in Tanzania (ISW)-training institution that was founded in 1973 in Dar es Salaam (Mabeyo, 2014).social work training institution establishment was linked with significant government efforts to address social problems and welfare issues in Tanzania. The Act of Parliament number 3 of 1973 established the Institute of Social Work (Spitzer, Twikirize & Wairire, 2014). Arguably, the year 1973 marked a critical point in Tanzania’s welfare-oriented social work development; due to the fact that this institution setup linked education with social welfare while social work was highly recognized. Since then social work profession continues to grow and being empowered through training professional students. National Social Welfare Training Institute that was established in 1973 and was formerly identified as The Institute of Social Work contributed significantly to the rise of social workers professional groups specifically in the government structure. The Tanzania National Social Welfare Training Institute was the authentic name proposed by the government of Tanzania to the institution that provided education to those who aspired to work with Tanzania Ministry of social welfare. Graduates from this institution were identified as social welfare officers. Though the Ministry of Social Welfare and the current Institute of Social work fails to give information and explanation why the name of the institution was altered to Institute of Social Work from that of ‘National Social Welfare Training Institute’. Social work historical studies in Tanzania by Mabeyo (2014); Burke & Ngonyani (2004) depicts that the Institute of Social Work (ISW) was the only public school offering courses in the discipline of social work in Tanzania between early 1970s and mid-2000s. The Institute of Social Work establishment rationale during this time was to respond to the trained social welfare officers’ government demands. The government was optimistic that the social welfare officers’ trainees would help to address diverse social problems facing Tanzania during that time. The Institute of Social Work offered labour studies at post graduate and advanced diploma certificate levels, social work field training and human resources management prior to the year 2005 (Spitzer, Twikirize & Wairire, 2014). The Institute also offers courses in other diverse fields such as industrial relations human resources management, though, its competitive edge rests on long experience and expertise in undergraduate level social work training provision. The Institute of Social Work promoted further developments such as the establishment of National Council for Technical Education (NACTE), a national body of accreditation for technical awards that was established in 1997. This Institute was eligible for registration and offered competence-based training programmes such as bachelor degree, ordinary diplomas and certificate levels .The Social Work Institute endeavours in students social work occupation training has contributed significantly to the escalating high number of graduates over the course of years and it still continues to contribute significantly to the increasing number of graduates pursuing social work course. Since its inception, in 1974, Social Work Institute has expanded from having less than a 100 social work student graduates population to over 2,000 graduates by the year 2012 (Spitzer, Twikirize & Wairire, 2014).

The student population growing size is linked with growing demand and an increased awareness for professional social workers in Tanzania (Mabeyo, 2014). What are the probable contracting perspectives on what contributed to the origin of social work profession in Tanzania? Some argue that inauguration of the role probation offender officer role could have contributed while others argue that the Social Work Institute-academic institution for social workers launching in 1973 was the root cause of Social work profession in Tanzania. In my opinion and in light of evidence available above, social work emerged around 1947 and in 1970s it was increasingly professionalised and the Social Work Institute in Dar es salaam establishment in the year 1973 promoted social work professionalism. Additionally, the previous sections depicts that British and German colonial activities significantly contributed to the subsequent developments that incorporated social protection (hut tax),welfare services and social work notion between 1888 and 1961.The government of Tanzania used the same systems for instance contributory social protection after independence in 1961 and onwards. The British colonial administration sustainably implemented social development policy, imbuing social welfare centres. The engagement of British Administration in the welfare field in form of social welfare centres was deemed crucial in the early 1940s as numerous African soldiers returned from action overseas. Eckert (2004:475) asserts that already before and at the beginning of the Second World War there existed some apparent ‘welfare’ initiatives, for instance, in literacy programmes for adults’ forms. These initiatives significantly focused on the Eastern Province and specifically on Dar es Salaam. A circular issued in Dar es Salaam by the information officer for the first time in 1944 declared mass education territory-wide programme, in which the returning soldiers supposed hunger for education was explicitly mentioned as an objective. Much effort was projected towards educating the Tanzanian soldiers, who came back from abroad where they had gone to fight. Eckert (2004:477) points out that, “The soldiers were exposed to diverse strange things, severally visited distant lands thus increasing their knowledge base. To this end, Military units, Information rooms have been built for soldiers exposing them to better opportunities of learning. When soldiers come back from the war it is necessary for them to have similar opportunities at home, as they desire to continue with their studies and they desire relatives and friends to study and keep pace with them.”

Moreover, the London British government appropriated the sum of £50,000 from the Colonial Development and Welfare Fund for social welfare centres establishment throughout Tanganyika (Eckert, 2004). Each provincial administration created a separate unit that played a role of taking care of the re-integration of returning soldiers and establishing welfare centres in 1944. Under a newly appointed social welfare organizer chairmanship, E. C. Baker, a former Eastern Province provincial commissioner, set a task to establish forty centres, mainly in the urban areas within a short time. Initially, the objectives of these centers were unclear. Finally, besides becoming ex-soldiers outlets ambition there were diverse tasks that were assigned to these centers . Eckert (2004) asserts that these centers serve the function of endeavouring to bridge the gap between the intelligentsia and proletariat to inspire the intelligentsia with the ideals of service which it so badly lacks. Other potential tasks and functions of these centres involve adult learning and leisure provision for local populations and ‘community spirit of self-help’ creation . Debates, Lectures, theatre performances, sport, dance, reading and writing courses and special options for women, such as sewing and house-keeping courses demonstrated learning and education new ideas. These centres received small government subsidies, though; they were supposed to be self-supporting via membership payments. However, the British colonialist restrained finances thus failing the idea of self-supporting via membership payments. On the contrary, British officials believed that this form of financing would improve Africans sense of responsibility in social and financial matters. The British official’s defined welfare centres as analogous to local government institutions, a kind of training ground linked with future democrats (Eckert, 2004). Other development activities, projected at women as it was believed that better conditions in the home contributed to higher standards of living. Hence, much efforts was put to women as an approach of improving social conditions because women prepared the food, clothed and were responsible for bringing up the children, and generally establish cleanliness, domestic health and behaviour patterns . In Dar es Salaam numerous women welfare officers organized courses particularly for women (mostly the wives of European officials) as did voluntary workers from the Women’s Service League of Tanganyika. The seminars offered a mixture of courses such as knitting, sewing, health care, ironing, domestic hygiene, and English. They were apparently met with enthusiastic responses, though minimal knowledge is available about experiences and motives of women frequenting the welfare centres (Eckert, 2004). Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) representatives regularly attacked British education policy in the Legislative Council (Nyerere 1966:33). The government of Tanganyika patently neglected the education aspects promoted in the British social welfare education system extension and development policies. Most nationalists (and most Africans in general) were not comfortable with the kind of instruction and training in ‘civilization’ offered in social welfare centres. The social welfare establishment was completed around 1950. However, there was a mixed reaction on how successful these centres were perceived. For instance, Eckert (2004:480) outlines that: “All District Commissioner should not claim more than moderate success for the centre in their area. These were coupled with the challenge that both illiterate and semi-literate African peasants failed to quickly adopt twentieth century ideas of community development and life. Particularly this occurred when the ideas are linked with the word ‘welfare’, which has ex-servicemen war-time association for whom the centres were primarily designed initially. For a couple of decades, this world assimilates ‘getting something for nothing’ connotation. Other challenges include: insufficient staff (European and African); the gulf between the ‘educated’ African and the artisan-peasant.” British officials attempted to explain this situation with a mixture of self-criticism and paternalism. According social development commissioner, C. A. L. Richards, the two most crucial user groups of the centres roles inadequately took up the roles designed for them. The commissioner highlighted that the ‘educated class’, that mainly comprised of government clerks were ‘social snobs’, unwilling to mingle with manual workers. And the latter’s interest “was limited to fun and games and in particular dances” (Eckert, 2004:480). Also, ‘a strong community of interest was deemed to be a feeling alien to tribal exclusiveness’, that ‘in their sense African is not really club-minded’. However, other officials emphasized that it is a big mistake to have imposed the centres on African communities without cultivating the African understanding on these institutions main aims and objectives. A further problem derived from the fact that, very few ex-soldiers stayed in Dar es Salaam or in other cities. In his annual report for 1947, the social welfare officer noticed that no soldier (askari ) felt the need to commit actively to social progress contribution because ‘tribal life’ absorbed them again. Ideally, only few former soldiers seriously engaged in political, social or cultural activities. Their military experience impacted more on village beer parties’ conversation than on political organisations. The discussion above raises more alarm on the manner in which the British colonial rule in Tanganyika was intended to implement a social welfare system and approach used in g social welfare centres implementation. The British rule reason for not implementing general social welfare system linking it with tax payers cost is irrational. Whether this reason was deemed as genuine or whether British rule was against such a welfare system implementation amongst their subjects. Does this come down to unwillingness?

Another significant issue that is not part of the discussion above is the lack of local communities’ engagement and involvement in establishment of social welfare centres. It was unclear of how successful implementation of a program can be achieved without considering the local communities (the intended users) expectations and interest. The British efforts in social welfare regulation during the late colonial Tanzania underlined the perception of a weak colonial state that was coupled with severe financial restrictions and somewhat lost in fantasies and discourse about how to develop Africans. While they were serious focusing on social security systems implementation which were not affordable to them, in the end, they relied on ‘traditional solidarity’ as labeled by the British colony. In my opinion, colonial powers operations in Tanzania especially the introduction of paid African labour, could have created natives new class systems, those who were paid and those who didn’t and therefore a new social cultural attitude would have emerged among the natives. The colonial powers believed it was possible to bring these territories into the modern civilized world, and such social welfare services were established based on this objective. This objective, alongside with social workers and others recruited from the home country who administered these services, resulted in rudimentary Western welfare system staffed imposition on these lands, or at least largely administered by Westerners. Emphasis was on education for the most part that was inclusive of health and law and order, often confined to the protection and support of those classes especially to the urban areas whose roles were material to colonial system, with the needs of many others, including the majority of native people being ignored except where humanitarian or Christian motivated services reached out, to civilize and Christianize rather than meet welfare, let alone development needs (Hoogvelt, 2001). Both British and German colonizers in Tanzania were neither invited guests nor local communities sympathizers’ concerns though the powerful invaders sought to expand their home territories, fetching new raw materials for their home-countries’ economic improvements. Therefore, it was implausible for colonizers to invest in human capital, step into Africa social security protection and welfare services system set up for local native people and educate local people systematically. Tanzania was faced by the daunting task of forming government and addressing its people welfare upon gaining independence. Mwenzwa & Waweru, (2016) asserts that after obtaining independence, it was necessary for African states to re-visit social and economic development strategies through self-directed formulation and implementation of policy processes. For instance, the inherited, health services, colonial education and water services in Tanzania were highly stratified based on race which included Europeans, Asians and Africans (Wangwe & Rweyemamu, 2001). However, the newly independent African countries started changing their priorities over social welfare services after a couple of decades (Dellapenna, 2000). A major reason which made contributed to African countries social welfare policies change was linked to the donors’ (colonial masters’) financial withdrawal (Dellapenna, 2000). The Tanzania government, political and economic-policy effort, established a need to organize community’s effort and maximize available resources utilization towards population basic needs satisfaction (Ibhawoh & Dibua, 2003). Under the leadership of Julius K Nyerere, the new government administration took decisive steps to address the social problems faced in Tanzania. Manyama (2017), asserts that welfare service provision in Tanzania is said to have gone through diverse socialist and neoliberal political experiment phases, to attain economic and social developments. The following section gives a more detailed explanation about what transpired in Tanzania after gaining independence –in strong neoliberalism and socialism eras, in relation to social welfare development.

Welfare provision in the socialist era in Tanzania (1961-1980s)

National self-reliance became the subject of discussion in 1960’s in Africa series of development discourses (Ibhawoh & Dibua, 2003).The government of Tanzania under Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere ,in the series of this development trend ,it embarked on a campaign on social and economic development approaches of implementation , transformation and improvement. The ujamaa2 (meaning ‘familyhood’) political ideology was deemed instrumental to attainment of a self-reliant socialist nation and as a solution for marginalized communities in Tanzania. According to Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, in an ujamaa village; “The developed ujamaa ideology would cater and care for the sick, care for the orphans, windows, the aged; the unmarried, other people marginalized people in villages as a whole, just as the traditional society was up to the task.” (Nyerere 1968:352) The policy of a central planning state backed up this ideology. Contrary to the colonial powers who majorly targeted on certain parts of the population as driven by their own interests, Nyerere’s approach, considered the nation as a whole as opposed to a certain class of people. Nyerere focused on bringing the social and economic development from within. To turn this ideology into practice, Nyerere’s government tightened the grip on major means of production under nationalization umbrella. Therefore, the famous Arusha Declaration of 1967 set a platform for formal inauguration of ujamaa during that time. Tanzania was termed the Africa’s socialist experiment site (Mercer, 1998; Hyden, 1999). Several authors including Ibhawoh & Dibua (2003), Lawi et al. (2013), Lugalla (1990), Wangwe & Rweyemamu (2001) have identified the most fundamental national social and economic achievements in Tanzania during ujamaa experimentation period: To start with, its ability to create a spirit of togetherness and national identity among Tanzanians and secondly, the provision of welfare service advancements achieved. By 1970s there were free, affordable and mandatory social amenities such as health, education and water. Additionally, these services were very sensitive to marginalized communities groups such as children, the poor households, and girls (Wangwe & Rweyemamu, 2001). According to Lawi et al. (2013), two health workers in senior positions interviewed on 29th March 2007 and 14th April 2007 in the Mbulu District regarding job satisfaction and availability of social welfare services in the 1970s had the following sentiments: “During [19]70s the situation was good. Medicines were issued for free and people received treatment for free such that the patients could at least be given food three times a day.” (health worker 1) “It was easier to build a house at home and furnish the house and still have some surplus in the bank at the end of the year. Also it was possible to marry and sustain a wife between 1972 and 1978, but thereafter the government salary was no longer sufficient to survive on.” (health worker 2) Of course, it is undisputable that the ujamaa and villagization scheme (the experiment of socialistic model) brought rewards to people, as explained by the testimonies. This was possible because many programmes under government’s watch were heavily sponsored by western aid money. However, the ujamaa and villagization scheme had a negative effect on people’s livelihood too. People involved in productivity such as fishing, farming business, and personal properties, in their former setup, became victims of the new scheme as they were forced to leave their original homelands and amalgamated into constructed villages. Therefore these people lost everything and completely depended on state provision, which itself depended mainly on Western countries handouts, including Britain. While it might have been Tanzania’s government case, the administration during this era could have introduced the socialistic experiment in good faith; nevertheless, the idea of central government controlling the entire economic production process and acting as a sole provider, without involving both private and individual productivity, was inappropriate. The subsequent section proves that this idea was ultimately unsuccessful. O’Neill (1990) made a similar observation; he asserts that ujamaa (familyhood) and the Village Act of 1975 triggered unintended sufferings and disruption among the projected beneficiaries. Hyden (1975) had a similar concern, he highlighted that plans to simplify clean water, health care and education provision through villagization was implausible to achieve without dislocating properties and wealth and affecting agricultural production. As highlighted earlier, the ujamaa villages were deemed as fundamental units for social services state provision a large number of people. Through education policy for self-reliance, diverse ujamaa villages were very central for the literacy promotions in both children and adults (Manyama, 2017). Between 1971 and 1978, the relative government expenditure on the rural health sector increased from 20 to 40 per cent (Heggenhougen et al., 1987). There diverse crucial health sector events. Manyama (2017) asserts that the extensive funding of immunization programs externally started between 1968 and 1969. A large portion of the rural population was reached out by two major public campaigns in 1970s; one in 1973 under the banner Mtu ni Afya (Man is Health) and another in 1975, labelled Chakula ni Uhai (Food is Life) (Chagula & Tarimo, 1978).During this time the government of Tanzania took considered the health of its population as a serious affair and strongly focused on rural health. To this end ,Tanzania was one of the pioneering countries to inspire the primary health care Declaration of Alma-Ata3 in 1978, which was objective of health care services provision needy people by the year 2000 (Chagula & Tarimo, 1978). Free health service programmes prevalence across villages had a positive outcome. For instance , life expectancy increased from 35 years in 1964 to 52 years in 1984; while in infant mortality rate reduced from 215 per 1000 in 1961 to 105 per 1000 by the year 1987 (MoH4, 1990; Manyama, 2017). The number of government officials operating in rural health centres tripled between the year 1969 and 1978, and also the number of the dispensaries doubled. Large numbers of rural medical officers, medical aides, for instance nurses and medical assistants were subjected to training and deployed to the rural areas (URT, 1994). Conclusively, following those efforts, the number of rural medical assistants, doctors and health assistants increased. This expansion accommodated about 90 percent of the population that was located within 10 kilometres of a health facility, and approximate three-quarters to be located within 5 kilometres of public health services (URT, 1994).

The social welfare services picture in Tanzania during the socialist era, the preceding discussion suggests a positive picture of the same. Establishment of diverse programs, such as sanitation, health, increase of primary schools, water and free primary school education promoted high literacy levels thus improving the social well- being and health. Therefore, life in the infant-stage of independent Tanzania was good. However, the social welfare provision implementation processes was not an easy one as the assumed economic and political ideology underpinning the entire process faced sustainability challenges. Reporting on the Tanzania socio-economic downturn, that was unforeseen and dramatical Tanzania experienced, Messkoub (1996:3) writes: “Following a period of sustained growth between 1960s and early 1970s, the Tanzanian economy sank resulting in serious economic crisis and the impact was severe in 1970s and 1980s, thus leading to absolute real GDP decline for much of the 1980s. The crisis also existed in form of rising inflation, recording 36 per cent in 1984 which was historically a high figure , and a balance of payments crisis.” Generally, the economic crisis is said to have been triggered trade decline terms, the rise in food grain prices, a fourfold rise in oil prices, the breakup of the East African community, the war with Uganda and severe droughts of the 1973-74 and 1981-82 (Maliyamkono and Bagachwa, 1990; Sepehri, 1992; Bureau of Statistics, 1989; Manyama, 2017). The crisis impact was severely felt in the health sector, education sector and in the social sector. The economic crisis disrupted the state administrative capacity to execute its economic functions. Falling incomes, economic decline, very poor public services quality and the resulting bureaucratic corruption prompted a corrosive effect on state legitimacy. The public employees’ real wages decline implied that they had to supplement their meagre wages with other income sources. For instance, the state employees who had marketable expertise such as (professionals like doctors, teachers and technicians) multitasked through trading privately or working for the burgeoning aid industry to earn extra income. On the other hand, for others, their official position provided them with essential means of income generation (Doriye, 1992). Real wages declined considerably until 1988, and the state could no longer provide even the minimum social services standard (Awit, 1973; Campbell & Stein, 1992; Lawi et al., 2013). Health, water and education sectors achievement were overturned and so generally mirrored the whole welfare systems (Mshana, 1993; Tibaijuka, 1991).The severe economic crisis and necessary adjustment impact was specifically felt in the education sector. Falling enrolments, a growing number of poorly educated youth, declining quality at all levels and an increased gap between the wealthy and the poor characterized the impact felt in the education sector (Wangwe & Rweyemamu, 2001).The economic crisis and the adjustment policies was a serious threat to the Tanzania's notable educational policy achievements .The Tanzania education real public expenditure declined by a quarter between 1975 and 1990 (UNICEF, 1990:87). The economic crisis raised the schooling opportunity cost for diverse families, thus leading delayed enrolment of children to school. The proportion of pupils enrolling in primary school, at the age of seven declined steadily from 27 per cent in 1981 to 14 per cent in 1990 (UNICEF, 1990:86). Economic struggle and poverty in many families in the 1980s through the late 1990s subjected children to economic activity engagement outside their home to supplement income. For instance, UNICEF (1990:79) observed that: “The number of street children in Dar es Salaam and in other major towns increased dramatically. The phenomenon of street children was unfamiliar in Tanzania, until recently when several children are aggressively selling bread and other commodities to earn an income for themselves and for their families”. The crisis also affected the age at which pupils leave education. Since the early 1970s the underlying trend of the dropout rate is increasing rapidly. In 1976, the total dropout rate recorded was at 18.5 per cent. By 1981, it increased to 24.2 per cent. Much of the increase occurred at latter years of schooling (National Socio-economic Profile of Tanzania, 1989). The educational attainment disparity continues secondary school level, where the number of available places limits the access – with only 4.5 per cent of the annual 350,000 primary school leavers being admitted to secondary schools (Daily News, Oct. 1991). Several families in Tanzania could not afford private school, which nevertheless, experienced intake substantial rise surpassing that of the state schools since the mid-1980s (Ministry of Education and Culture, 1986 and 1991). As far as education is concerned, similar policies of increased financial and material and user charges support at local level had been proposed by UNICEF and the World Bank. In 1990, parents contributed 200 Tanzanian shillings annually per pupil in primary school. The collection rate, estimated to be 25 percent, however, was still low (UNICEF, 1990). There was a significant deterioration of health sector due to subsidies reduction and introduction of cost sharing mechanisms or user fees (Wangwe & Rweyemamu, 2001).

The finance cut and economic crisis severely affected the health and nutrition for women and children provision , as studies by UNICEF (1990) and Messkoub (1996) reiterate: Public expenditure cuts severely affected children, and more significantly women who increased their contribution for household cash earnings and suffered the ill health consequences linked with hard manual work during pregnancy and increased pressure at home to look after the sick and children. Malaria and lack of necessary drugs at subsidized prices aggravated pregnant women. The regional and district hospitals supply of drugs was erratic and a large number of patients could not afford to pay for a prescription at private pharmacies (UNICEF,1990). From government’s point of view, social services crisis in Tanzania is attributable to recurrent expenditure crisis and general budgetary problems.On the other hand, the Tanzanian perceive that the crisis manifested itself 'disappearing' public services and in falling standards (Mbilinyi, 1988). The population response is focused on searching for alternatives of household labour contribution increment either by self-provisioning of these services (in particular in the area of health) and/or by attempting to increase the household cash income to pay for similar services supplied by the non-governmental organisations or the private sector . The self-provisioning of services was projected to increase work for women, while higher cash income was projected to involve extra work and effort for both sexes (Maliyamkono and Bagachwa, 1990). The World Bank vehemently recommended the restructuring of social services and introduction of user charges. This measure was a structural adjustment programmes segment that demanded for public expenditure cuts in raising of income through the imposition of user charges, targeting planning and supply work decentralisation and diversification (World Bank, 1989). The recommendations above are now established components social services reforms in various countries and most international institutions active in the social sector and NGO’s have adopted these reforms. Certainly, the economic crisis and subsequent World Bank and government measures contributed to a more fundamental shift in social services provision approach. For instance, health was now perceived as an individual and household matter as opposed to the community/public responsibility. This is rooted in the strategic shift public sector role and public policy attitude development process, itself an impact of the underlying theoretical and ideological under-pinning policies of orthodox adjustment (Helleiner, 1987). This changing attitude is mirrored in the manner which non-governmental institution perceive their role. A survey of NGOs' financing of health services in Tanzania established that user fees made a significant contribution in offsetting the local costs. Thus, at least 90 per cent of dispensaries obtained half their income from user fees (Mabala, 1990). For the hospitals, cash was an ideal method for charging user fees. The majority of hospitals exempted the disabled and the poor from paying any fees. Availability of drugs and services attracted the patients to these facilities. The state financial crisis also hit the water and sanitary services. The major problem of water supplies has been maintenance and availability of spare parts. While external funding provided a substantial proportion of capital expenditure of water development, the government financed the recurrent expenditure. This sector also suffered government's budget financial squeeze. Recommendations have been made to introduce user charges and involvement of the community to resolve the water supply financial problems (UNICEF, 1990).

The official response to the social sector financial crisis, on the revenue side of the budget, was formulated in devolution of financial responsibility terms , as much as possible, to the individual and household (through the imposition of user charges, cut backs in subsidies, etc.), and to the local community (through the raising of local funds and local labour). On the cost side, political redundancy reasons are not instrumental in cost reduction though the World Bank’s review of the situation specifies on overstaffing and the necessity for improved manpower planning (UNICEF, 1990). The population's response to social services deterioration and cutback focuses on alternatives, and usually fee-paying services. This has contributed to increase pressures for families to earn cash incomes. The World Bank (WB) and International Monetary Fund (IMF) advise the government to in social provisioning, following these difficult circumstances (Lange et al, 2000).Additionally, the aid donors stopped supporting the ‘socialist experiment’ and the Tanzanian government had to gradually accept the economic liberalization principles (Wangwe & Rweyemamu, 2001; Lawi et al., 2013). Joram (2013) attributes the Tanzania ujamaa/socialist policy and its mission of providing welfare services failure to the fall of oil prices, war between Tanzania and Uganda between 1977 and 1978, aid freeze, internal leadership sabotage, long spell of drought that affected harvest and solely relying on agriculture as the main source of income. The country was in a serious financial difficulty by the late 1980‘s and needed support from World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF). In an attempt to react and navigate social and economic new approach onwards, Tanzania launched the National Economic Survival Program (NESP) and the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) covering the period 1982/83 to 1985/86, these were consecutive broadly-based structural adjustment programs. After Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAP) failed for the second time , the Tanzanian government negotiated with IMF for a loan to support Economic Recovery Programmes (ERP I in 1986 and ERP II in 1989, the implementation of the former started in July 1986 (Mtatifikolo & Mabele, 1999)). The Economic Recovery Programme first phase, lasted between 1986 and 1989 and the second phase identified as Economic and Social Action Programme lasted between 1989 and 1992. The IMF agreement incorporated currency devaluation, removal of subsidies, raising interest rates, price control liberalization, and reduction in government expenditure education and health that is inclusive of wage restraints, reducing the economy system state control, liberalizing and privatization of certain area of economy. The second phase also created room for social services donations (Lawi et al., 2013). The World Bank deemed the structural adjustment measures as solutions to Africa challenges (World Bank, 1989). I WILL MANAGE UP TO HERE Colonial powers forced a system on Tanzania that was meant to benefit themselves at the expense of the local communities. After independence, the government to some extent had to embrace that system and strengthen nationalism to reach people. The introduction of Ujamaa as a socialistic experiment and its implementation forced people to leave their original places and amalgamate into constructed villages for accessing social services. The new changes were contrary to the traditional life of the Tanzanians. Therefore, entire new program faced sustainability issues. The Ujamaa political ideology was perceived as the way to attain a self-reliant socialist nation and be a solution to social problems that faced many people. The system seemed to have worked partially, but faced challenges made it be an unsustainable socioeconomic approach generally. Questions have been asked to the rationale and failure of the Ujamaa ideology to deliver the social welfare services and economic promises to the people as it was originally conceived by the government. I think the Tanzanian government of that time did not introduce Ujamaa ideology for the purpose of taking the country back to its traditional way of life (collective thinking, around the social identity and economic achievement), prior to the colonial era, after gaining independence. Instead it wanted the local communities to live under the same circumstance they were under the Germans and Britons (1885-1961), a life that was challenging in terms of their social and economic lives. The idea of being dominated by foreign powers and the subsequent quest for independence from a foreign power were both new and the newly formed government had to grapple with the challenge of bringing social and economic developments in the country.

Illiteracy was high, and the economy mainly depended on agricultural produce, mostly subsistence farming. Therefore, the means of collecting tax that could enable the new government to provide social services to its people was almost non-existent. The citizens were scattered across the country in the remote areas and reaching everyone with essential welfare services such as education, health, and water supply and addressing other concerns was almost impossible, due to poor infrastructures. As a result, the Nyerere’s government resorted to adopting the Ujamaa socialist ideology, emphasizing self-reliance, instilling in people the national identity and cultural proudness. However, the action taken to put people into newly formed villages for social service programs meant that people had to leave their former livelihood, farms, and relations. The Ujamaa philosophy did not fulfill its expected positive outcomes because it faced various challenges, such as low economic productivity, war crisis, the stopping of funding from donors and external pressures from outside (mainly for western European countries, such as Britain )against socialist idea of economy in Tanzania.

I. Welfare provision since the 1980s in Tanzania

From the year 1985 Tanzania entered another era in terms of leadership, and its efforts in socio-economic development. This era is known as neoliberalism. The second presidency under Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who took over the presidency after Nyerere in 1985, opened-up for new ideas: the World Bank and IMF-supported liberalization. Mwinyi was nicknamed ‘ruksa’ (all is permitted) (Lawi et al., 2013). President Ali Hassan Mwinyi led the country (1985-1995) and opened up the economy, allowed individual and privately- led enterprises to operate in the country. This era has been named as neo-liberalism in Tanzania (Manyama, 2017). For instance, in the health sector, the National Health Policy was endorsed in 1990 and officially allowed private investors in the health sector in 1991 (The Private Hospitals Act, 1991). The most significant change that occurred in health provision was the growth in non-governmental health care facilities, particularly at the initiative of the health entrepreneurs during the 1990s. a total number of health care facilities in the country increased from 3,577 in 1995 to 4,961 in 1999 (MoH, 1998). Out of the 4,961 health facilities, only 3,035 were government-owned (MoH, 1999). In response to this, more workers in the public sector became redundant, self-employed, and others formed the welfare organizations whose common interest was based on religious, regional, ethnic or professional affiliation (Lange et al., 2000). The recognition of these welfare organizations was due to the national unity which had been consolidated since independence and also the government failure regarding service delivery (Lange et al., 2000). Due to the failure of the state, the private sector became important in social welfare service provisioning. For example, Manyama (2017) maintains that by the year 1986 the government went further calling upon churches and other non-governmental organizations (NGOs) to play an even greater role in the provision of education and health care services. In less than ten years (1984 – 1992), the number of NGO-run schools tripled from 85 to 258 (Lange et al, 2000). The Department of Social Welfare (2012) also pointed out several social and economic contingencies which are attributed to changes which happened in Tanzania between the 1970s and 1980s and which helped to eradicate high levels of poverty, family problems, poor health, rising rate of crime, alcohol and drug abuse and problems related to HIV/AIDS. The occurrence of HIV/AIDS is a very important contextual factor when considering the sustainability of family-based support systems. HIV/AIDS in Tanzania has had a devastating impact on the lives of elderly people and children. As younger, able generation was claimed away from life, older people who would normally need care from the young were forced to assume the role of caregivers to orphaned children. Their effort have made activists to push the government of Tanzania and across Africa to recognize and acknowledge the work of caregiving provided by older people; challenging both governments and private institutions to support the older people involved in the care of the orphans. The majority of the elderly people who give the care usually have no training on handling social problems, health and how to provide care. In response to this phenomenon, the Tanzania government has endorsed many legislations, policies, and guidelines which aimed at ensuring social security for the vulnerable population. Manyama (2017) maintains that these policies reflect Tanzania’s commitments to protecting its most vulnerable populations (Department of Social Welfare, 2012).[1] Knowing the rights and law, the older adults can feel free from fear of mistreatment and proper steps under the law can take place in the event of mistreatment and abuse. The social security/protection programs were introduced in Tanzania through a mandatory scheme in which both employers and employees are obliged to contribute. This included people in informal employment in the labor market. For those outside informal sector, the government introduced a voluntary scheme in which people were encouraged to have personal savings and social assistance schemes in which the vulnerable groups are provided with health, education, food, water, and other services for free on a means-tested basis (URT, 2003).

There are still concerns related to social security provision for vulnerable groups like the elderly, people with disabilities, unemployed, and orphans, the majority who are not covered in the mandatory social protection scheme. In most cases, these people would struggle to maintain livelihood without any form of support and are therefore to some degree socially excluded and marginalized in the Tanzania of today (Manyama, 2017). The social welfare service system still faces a lot of challenges. The social welfare officers are constrained with resources, neglected in the general budget allocation, are few and thus are overloaded with client’s complaints (DSW, 2012; Manyama, 2017; Mabeyo et al., 2014; Mchomvu et al., 1998). Many would agree that improving the welfare of the vulnerable groups has a positive impact on national social and economic development (Kida & Wuyts, 2015; Prodhan & Faruque, 2012). This is because empowering vulnerable groups develops human capital, reduces dependence condition, enhances the purchasing power of goods and services, and maintains social order and increase the confidence of people to their government (Kida & Wuyts, 2015; Prodhan & Faruque, 2012; Taydas and Peksen, 2012; Rothstein, 1998). The opposite also can happen, as Panga (2014) rightly maintains, lack of social welfare services and programmes results into unacceptable behavior in the community such as engaging in substance abuse as well as becoming perpetrators or victims of violence and hence fail to contribute to the national social and economic development. Introduced by neo-liberalism, the structural adjustment did not produce the expected economic growth in Africa, and the World Bank, therefore, introduced another condition named ‘good governance’. The private sector and civil society should co-operate with the state to achieve ‘sustainable growth’ (World Bank, 1989). Corruption, fraudulence, forgery among government officials affected the government’s performance. Welfare services to people who most needed, and the Tanzanian relation with donor partners deteriorated (Lawi et al., 2013). IMF’s structural adjustment was a bitter pill for the majority of Tanzanians. The structural adjustment included the following: devaluation of the local currency, decrease of state control over the economy, drastic cuts on expenditures on health and education, further privatization and liberalization of economy (Joram, 2013). The share of total central government expenditure on health (recurrent and development) was 4.5% from 1986 to 1988, climbed to 7.2% in 1994, then dropped to 3.6% in 1997. At the same time, from 1986 to 1995, 20 to 30% of that same budget was public debt (World Bank, 2002). At the beginning of the 1980s, the donor community supporting Tanzania decided to use international and locally-based NGOs to channel their support, to avoid the alleged inefficiency and corruption of state bureaucracies (Manyama, 2017). NGOs gained popularity, trustworthiness and gained the confidence for being more efficient, less corrupt, and operated more closely with the grassroot’s level. In the 1990s, the number of organizations rapidly increased (Manyama, 2017). Following this, a World Bank launched the World Development Report in 1992. The report presented a new role to NGOs as promoters and protectors of civil society. Therefore, civil society was considered as an integral to effective development and vital for holding the governments into account, ensuring the maintenance of functioning democracies, protecting human rights, and articulating the needs of the poorest (Jennings, 2008:27). Unfortunately, corruption, fraud at the leadership level and drop in investment in health, education and other essential welfare services became apparent. It could be argued that this was perhaps due to the government’s loss of complete control as it moved quickly from one extreme model of the economy to another extreme within a short period of time and a without strong maturity on how to run neo-liberal, open-market based economy. State failure to support social welfare services caused the rise of NGOs involved in social sectors and in social welfare service provision, e.g. running private schools, hospitals, to name but a few.

From the 1995s to-date, the government of Tanzania under President Benjamin W. Mkapa (1995-2005), Jakaya Kikwete (2005-2015), John P. Magufuli (2015-to date) respectively started striding in the provision of social welfare services. The current president Magufuli has put initiatives in place to increase the revenue of the country, by reducing corruption and fraud. Due to this, his nickname became ‘bulldozer’. His government works towards increasing productivity, investing in various local industries, such as textile industry, fisheries, breweries, as well as ensuring favorable local and international exchanges terms. He challenges the general population to maintain high work ethics. This was made possible by bringing back an element of state control and measures to strengthen government welfare institutions (Lawi et al., 2013; Manyama, 2017). Following the government involvement, the Tanzanian social and economic sector has made a big step. Manyama (2017) maintains that by about the year 2000 the welfare services in the health sector had started to improve. At the social level, the government under the current President John Magufuli is striving to speed up things so that at least the Tanzanians is able to offer quality health services especially to the elderly, children, persons with disabilities, pregnant women, free secondary school education, and restore respect for civil servants (East, 2016).

During one of his public speeches, President Magufuli said: “We are working towards ensuring our country moves forward. We want Tanzanians to pay taxes, we are striving to defeat corruption, and we are working hard to ensure Tanzanians and Tanzania develop.”[3] Given the fact that Tanzania is a non-welfare state, social issues of majority are meant to be dealt by individuals, families, but not everyone has the means to solve the issues, i.e., improve the wellbeing at individual or family level, hence, in this context, social organizations, both locally and internationally working in the country are seen to be a solution to social issues.

II. The role of the social work profession in the social service provision and the challenges facing these services today

The social work profession plays a significant role in the social welfare service provision process and in instigating social change for the wellbeing of an individual, family and community as a whole (Healy and Link, 2011; Lorenz, 2006; Lyons & Lawrence, 2006). The basic functions of social work, according to Cooper; Goldberg, & Schaffner (2008) are the restoration of impaired social functioning, provision of social services, and prevention. Social workers have been defined by the Tanzania Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Department as graduates of school of social work (with either bachelor ‘s or master’s degrees) who use their knowledge and skills to provide social services for clients (individuals, families, groups, communities, organizations, or society in general)[4]. It is understood that social workers help people to increase resources between individuals and between people and their environment, make organizations responsible to people and influence social policies. The joint report by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Department pronounces that social workers are also social welfare workers who are engaged in public assistance programs. Some studies on social work and social welfare suggest that the two professions share some attributes in common. For example, Jeffry (1974) sees that Social work and social welfare are based on three fundamental premises: (1) that the person is important; (2) that he or she has personal, family, and community problems resulting from interaction with others; and (3) that something can be done to alleviate these problems and enrich the individual’s life. Though social work and social welfare may seem to have some attributes in common as indicated above, there are still some fundamental differences that distinguish from each other. Cooper, Goldberg, Schaffner (2008) see the term social welfare having a broader meaning and encompasses social work, public welfare, and other related programs and activities. Long and Holle (1997) stress that Social welfare is a necessary thread in the fabric of social structure, and society has a responsibility for the plight of its members. Similarly, Fitchen (1998) says social welfare, in a broad sense, encompasses the well-being and interests of a large number of people, including their physical, educational, mental, emotional, spiritual, and economic needs. Social welfare staff, according to the ministry of social welfare, include professional social workers, non – professional social workers and all workers within social welfare agencies/institutions such as the childcare workers, health care, elder care. Social Welfare Services, according to the Tanzania Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Department (June 2012), are integrated services within facilities and program (including social security) that promote social development, social justice and social functioning of people. Accordingly, the report understands social welfare services as society’s efforts to meet human needs. They are developed to help people function more satisfactory in their interaction with others and thus lead to more fulfilling lives. Another study that seems to be of relevance in the discussion is that done by the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Department of Tanzania. From 2008 to 2012, an assessment of the social welfare workforce in Tanzania was undertaken by the United Republic of Tanzania under the Ministry of Health and Social Welfare Department. The findings of this exercise ended up in a full report.[5] The report explains the background and context that led to such a study- assessment. It was observed that both within and outside family environments, a high number of Tanzanian children suffer abuse and exploitation, including abandonment, physical abuse corporal punishment, sexual and gender-based violence. This observation was confirmed by reports from various organizations. For instance, a report by REPOA and UNICEF 2009 confirmed a widespread child abuse in the country [6]. The Ministry of Health and Social Welfare expressed its resolve and determination to strengthen the social welfare workforce within the framework of the National Human Resources for Health Strategic Plan 2008-2013. The stated overall objective of this process is to enable the social welfare system to respond effectively to the well- being and welfare of children orphaned and made vulnerable by diseases, malnutrition, inadequate care or HIV/ AIDS, as well as people with disabilities and the elderly.[7]

It is hard to tell whether the idea of shared responsibility is as a result of the government’s inability to provide social welfare services to its citizens or whether it is the way of utilizing the Ujamaa life philosophy. It could be either that families are forced to play a role by the deficiencies of the state or it could be argued that the ‘familyhood’ approach is based on the idea that the state neither can nor should do everything anyway. This helps in the understanding of the context within which MAPERECE, Dogodogo Street Children Trust, and the Social Mainstreaming Gender Organization (SMGEO), operate. The need for training to enhance professional knowledge and skills, good standard among the social welfare workforce is mentioned in the assessment report as one of the central issues which need to be addressed. The assessment report had learned that individual social welfare workers indicate that they have never undergone any training since they were employed by the Department of Social Welfare. The fact that some employees working in the Social Work field have no proper qualifications to provide services, raises ethical and transparency concerns. This speaks volume about a lack of integrity and consistency in the system. Hence, the report emphasis that training needs to be looked at in the context of staff development programs, which along with performance appraisal ought to be given priority since they are so relevant in not only motivating employees but also as sources for acquisition of knowledge and skills to match the changing pace in the work environment. Conducting proper training and re-enforcing proper standard in social work practice is necessary for the profession’s identity and reliability in society.

The assessment report also revealed that services for the elderly and people with disability get the least priority in terms of budget allocation. To improve the services to the elderly there should be a common strategy within the Department of Social Welfare to address vulnerability issues especially in terms of resource mobilization and allocation.[8] This highlights the necessary involvement by the central government in allocating sufficient budgets for the social welfare service in the country. As indicated in the preceded discussion there seem to be deficits in the Social Welfare Department and its way of delivering social service to the citizens. Those issues include lack of training, proper guiding procedures, adhering to a proper standard of service delivery, bureaucracy in the systems, insufficient budget allocation to vulnerable groups, such as the elderly, children, persons with disabilities. Another challenge faceing the social work profession in Tanzania is a lack of public recognition. A lack of wide recognition is seen as a hindrance to the social work profession’s ongoing contribution in the country. Social work profession in Tanzania suffers from a lack of general recognition amongst the public and those who are in great need of their services. Zena Mabeyo (2014), an experienced social worker and currently a lecturer at the Institute of Social Work-Dar es Salaam, observes that, despite its commitment and contribution in creating positives changes in people’s lives, social work profession is not adequately known and hence not fully utilized in Tanzania. (Mabeyo, 2014: 121). Similarly, Burke and Ngonyani (2004) demonstrate that in Tanzania, societal recognition of the value of professional training in social work is not wide. (Mabeyo, Ndug’u and Riedl (2014) acknowledge that the profession is underestimated, thus placing it at a marginal and invisible position. A similar observation is confirmed by (Spitzer, Twikirize and Wairire (2014) explaining that the status and role of social work in Tanzania is still poorly recognized in the society, leading to its under-utilization and even marginalization of its professionals. No studies on the status and role of social work in Tanzania have been undertaken in trying to find out what might be the reasons for this lack of wide-recognition or the under-utilization of the profession in the country. However, (Burke and Ngonyani (2004) think that this lack of public recognition relates partly to the fact that social work training has a narrow coverage and a relatively short history in Tanzania. the Institute Social Work was launched in Dar es Salaam, in1973, it has been the only educational institution training in social work for a long time. Given that it has no branch in any part of the country, the public know little about it.

I think it might be fair to say social work is a well-known profession in Dar es Salaam more than in any other parts of Tanzania. Also, similar observation is shared by (Mabeyo, 2014) attributes a lack of general public awareness across the country of the social work profession partly to the fact that not much has been documented about it. She recommends that now it is time has for social workers in the country to work towards increasing the profession’s visibility through active engagement on community projects. In effect, what Zena Mabeyo is arguing is that for social work profession to gain more public awareness and acceptability among people, more writing and publication could turn the situation around. That can be highly effective in creating public awareness but the government and the social ministry ought to make a public recognition and acknowledgment of social work profession. In so doing, the majority citizens may become aware of the role social workers play in social-problem solving (Spitzer, Twikirize and Wairire (2014:129). The Tanzanian community that upheld strong traditional protection and support mechanisms is rapidly diminishing and a new one with a different social and cultural value orientation is emerging. There is an increase of awareness about the failure of traditional mechanism in contemporary Tanzania, as Mwakikagile (2009) rightly observes, traditional social security mechanisms are failing to catch up with the ever-worsening situation. The old, the orphaned, the widowed, the sick and disabled are all suffering, and no immediate solution is in sight. While in some areas there is unemployment due to the scarcities of resources such as land and capital, in other areas the issue is understaffing due to lack of manpower. A similar observation is made by Maduga (2015) who maintains that in rural areas there are not enough mature people who are healthy enough and have the energy to work in the rural community and till the land. The matter is made more urgent by the fact that the rural population forms over 80% of the country’s total population. Both continuity and change have been features of Tanzanian society from the colonial period to present. It is important to acknowledge that social protection under market-oriented economy needs a high level of productivity, creativity, good visionary leadership, and a well-organized economy system. The changing global context involves a new wave of globalization mainly featuring a free market economy. Societies and economies become more and more monetized, industrialized, urbanized and trapped more widely and deeply in international economic, political and cultural relations (Stiglitz, 2003; Rwegoshora, 2014).

In this regard, the limitations of tradition and custom become more acute and old methods become not only inadequate but also outdated (Schubert and Beales, 2006). Thus, modern social security provision becomes necessary and needs to be broadened to cover everyone in the country. Informal traditional practices are bound to continue as secondary, especially in those events whereby formal social security does not cover (Mbwete, 2015). Indeed, the above observations of the social change and issues facing Tanzania today are true. The Tanzanian society that used to be covered by traditional means finds it hard nowadays to access the same level of assistance and services. Communities in Tanzania whether in the rural or the urban areas cannot escape the harsh reality of the disappearance of the extended family structure and communal support that existed and used to be taken for granted in the past. The working population now has experienced rapid commercialization and industrial development that has resulted in significant social and economic. Discussion on social problems and the role of social work is apparent at the academic and practical levels in Tanzania. Social work profession is increasingly gaining more popularity in terms of its significant contribution to social problems solving. For example, a study by Mkamwa (2014) ‘Social Problems and Social Work in Tanzania: Community Based Social Work Approach’. He asserts that the main social issues in the society includes young offenders; people with a mental health condition; school truancy, non-attenders; drug and alcohol abusers; people with learning and physical disabilities; the homeless; the elderly; orphanages; child-headed houses; early pregnancies. Mkamwa (2014) further observes that welfare services are in great demand due to these increasing social problems, which are exacerbated by poverty, and the effects of HIV/AIDS. In his investigation, Mkamwa (2014) contends that a ‘Community-Based Social Work Approach’ in Tanzania is appropriate. He justifies his choice of this approach by giving the following reasons: - The shortage of social welfare staff - Decentralization Policy: Social Welfare services to be rolled out to the lower levels (Previously Social Welfare services were rendered at Central and Zonal level only) - Schemes of services do not allow employment of lower-level Social Welfare cadres including the certificate and diploma level - These cadres are trained at the Institute of Social Work Dar es Salaam but in most cases are employed by the private sector and in the government institutions (Mamwa, 2014) According to Mkamwa (2014), community-based social work approach is practical, because, it is offered from the village level, it reduces bureaucracy in implementation of welfare services to clients and it is based on the principle of subsidiarity and decentralization. Indeed, this approach seems to carry implicitly the bottom-up idea approach in problem-solving. It involves in helping individuals and families faced by social problems to access social services. The community-based social work approach’s goals are stipulated as follows: Enhancement of the quality of life and wellbeing of the vulnerable individuals, groups, and families. Additionally, the transformation of social welfare services should make the service: accessible, available, affordable, and approachable. Indeed, this approach could foster collaboration between Governments at local, districts, regional level and the nation’s level and lead to the in deliberation and social service delivery.[9]

A community-based approach is a way of working in partnership with persons of concern during all stages. The essence of a community-based approach is that it can help communities work to prevent social problems and to deal directly with those that arise, instead of depending on the external actors step in and assume these responsibilities. It supports persons of concern in re-establishing familiar cultural patterns and support structures. Indeed, the goals of the community-based approach are to reinforce the dignity and self-esteem of people of concern and to empower all the actors to work together to support the different members of the community in exercising and enjoying their human rights. The community-based approach to social work is anchored in the assumption that every community has its management system, structures and coping mechanisms, either traditional or newly emerging, to handle their problems, events, and politics. But, not all local communities in Tanzania have a proper structure and coping mechanism in place ready to offer support to individual, family and even community. The idea that there exists a strong sense of community, in my opinion, is increasingly becoming a myth in 21st century in Africa and Tanzania. For example, social welfare services at the local, regional and even national levels are weak and almost non-functioning. A social worker in these settings must see their responsibility spanning beyond a person’s concern to embrace social structural engagement. Commenting on the social situations and possible solution, Mkamwa (2014) asserts that the welfare services are in great demand due to these increasing social problems, which are fueled by poverty, and the effects of HIV/AIDS. Specific problems which need social welfare services-social work interventions in Tanzania today according to Mkamwa (2014) are: · Child labor, early pregnancies, child abuse, child neglect, and family rejection. · Alcohol and drug abuse, increasing levels of destitution, commercial sex (prostitution), cases of sexual assault. · Households headed by children and /or elderly people. · Family disintegration, marriage breakages, number of street children, number of orphans, vulnerable children, · Widows/widowers, elderly (aging), human trafficking especially children. Mabeyo (2014) writes that Tanzania is a non-welfare state. Hence, its government does not take the primary responsibility of the provision of the average or minimum social protection of its citizens. Rather, it places that first responsibility of the care of every individual and their families.

The government will only assume responsibility when families have failed to do so. However there are concerns about how individuals and families should provide care for their members in conditions of the pervasive and extreme poverty level. Wairire, Twikirize & Spitzer, (2014) maintain that even though the government vests the primary responsibility of care to families, it collaborates with various stakeholders in bridging the gap of service provision to those in need. Thus, various stakeholders have been very supportive in providing various forms of services and support ranging from the non-material (such as capacity-building) to material (such as food aids, clothing, and educational equipment) to different categories of client groups.

Conclusion

The discourse and establishment of the welfare system in Tanzania has gone through different epochs and changes and still today it is not yet fully established. The colonial-era, characterized by German and British activities in the country had both negative and positive effects on the development of social welfare and social practices in Tanzania. Although the coming and the introduction of colonial activities was anchored on the interests of the colonizers, the introduction of hut tax, cash crops for market, welfare centers for ex-soldiers and education provided ushered a new era for the Tanzanian community and especially in the independence era. Probably, the unwillingness and the cost of running a welfare service system was the reason that barred the British government in Tanganyika from implementing a general social welfare system. After gaining independence, Nyerere with his socialist Ujamaa political ideology made the citizens in various parts of Tanzania to live in villages so that the government could provide social welfare services to people. But due to financial difficulties, poor agriculture production, and the impact of the nationalization policy put in place, which effectively put the government as the sole owner of all means of production and business, production by private sectors became impossible. Overall lesson emerging from the historical examination is that welfare services provided in a society cannot function fully if it is entirely dependent on donors or outside support. Tanzania must continue with the effort of putting proper public protection measures for its members, to reduce social and economic risks directed in the following contingencies: “Unemployment, Maternity, Sickness, Disability, Employment injury, Old age, Medical care, Family Grants for poor households. Also, protect marginalized members of societies, such as persons with albinism, women, older people both in urban and rural areas” (Mutashubilwa, 2016). The social work profession in Tanzania must see itself having a big role to play. Its function must expand beyond helping individual needs, go beyond case-work focus to embrace an instrumental role in the social structural change to ensure the efficient access and provision of social service for the neediest people in the country. Also, the Tanzania Ministry of Social Welfare must consider the social work profession as a partner in social problem solving and regard it as part of the systematic channel and professional partner in dealing with social problems. If the government embraces social work as its partner in the fight against social problems, it will certainly empower and raise the status of the social work profession in the country. The social work profession in Tanzania must sensitize government’s institutions towards the plights of the older people, children and young people living in streets in various urban settings, persons with various types of disabilities, persons with albinism who face threat for their life due to witchcraft beliefs, boys and girls from poor families who struggle to access education. Considering the role of social work from a metaphorical point of view, one could describe it as the lubricant that oils the machine. The notion ‘lubricant’ here suggests that social work is the bridge between different systems (within governments) - different service/organizations and services users. The social work profession has the potential to make differences in various social situations affecting people in contemporary Tanzania. The current research seeks to critically engage and learn from the social work organizations operating in Tanzania, issues they focus on and the impact their services have on the ground. As learned in the discussion, there is a distinct history of social welfare and social work in Tanzania embedded in its cultural context. And whilst it is true that social work has gained global consciousness and is evolving, it nevertheless remains deeply embedded in the particulars of the sociocultural context in which it functions at the same time. As outlined in the beginning, priorities of social work practice will vary from country to country and from time to time depending on cultural, historical, and socio-economic conditions (David, 2007).

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