A score of me on the self-construal revealed a higher average on the independent (6.0) scale than on the dependent scale (4.53). Based on this rating, it emerges that even though I have a sense of myself as both dependent and independent, I tend to emphasize on the independent self-construal than on the dependent one. I am not surprised to have scored more on the independent self-construal than on the dependent self-construal because generally, I feel better about myself when I am in control of everything about my life. Most of the things I do are centered to me, and therefore, I tend to care much about my self-development than I do about others.
In comparison to my peers, I tend to be way different on both the dependent and independent self-construal. For example, my best friend scored an average of 5.0 on the independent self-construal scale and an average of 4.3 on the dependent self-construal scale. This shows that while he may be more independent than dependent, he has a lower level of independence than I do. Besides, it is essential to note that he also scored less than me on the dependency self-construal, meaning that generally in life, he depends less on other people than I do.
While Singelis’s (1994) self-construal scale produced results that I tend to agree with, I have several misgivings about the author’s underlying thinking and measuring self-construals. For instance, I opine that the scale might be biased depending on the cultures within which it is applied. For example, Individuals from the western cultures (i.e., that are generally individualized) might score higher in the independent self-construal than those from the Eastern-culture (an i.e., generally collectivist culture). Hence, I have specific concerns over the way specific measurement approach of Singeli’s (1994) self-construal scale measures are prone to western bias. Similar concerns have been raised by Fiske (2002) and Kangwama et al. (2001).
For instance, Kangwama et al. (2001) argue that the dynamic nature of independent self-construal make structured questionnaires not the best for use in measuring such self-construal because they tend to be culturally biased. Against this backdrop, I would expect Singeli’s (1994) self-construal scale to work best in Western than Asian cultures.
A common advantage of studying or measuring one’s self-construal is that it helps in understanding why certain people behave in a certain way, depending on their cultural orientation. For instance, by studying self-construal, I can understand why and how certain factors related to social mobility can occur. For example, research by Fernández et al. (2005) indicates that people with better education, more power, and more financial capabilities see themselves as more independent, while the poorer, less educated and less powerful people see themselves as more interdependent. Hence, according to Markus & Conner (2014), studying self-construal may help in understanding why some people (i.e., those with independent self-construal) are more competitive, impulsive and selfish, and why they acquire and keep higher social status. However, as hinted above, one disadvantage of depending on self-construal to understand individuals is that self-construal are highly culturally dependent, and therefore, interpretation of self-construal scales should be made with caution.
The contemporary society is so consumption-oriented, that much of what is considered necessary by the mass population often originates from the stories produced and disseminated through media outlets (Alexander, 2014). Berman & White (2013) also argues that in today's society, people tend to know and care about symbols, narratives, and images in television, music, film, of or other forms of media. Consequently, these films, music, and narratives shape the way people construct their image and perceptions of gender and race – stereotyping.
For example, the media has played a significant role in how people stereotype black women through various black feminist perspectives. Adams-Bass et al. (2014) observe that media studies on feminism and feminist media tend to privilege white women and gender, especially within the spheres of social experience such as class and race. In this regard, Adams-Bass et al. (2014) further argue that contemporary academicians have critiqued mainstream media for how they negatively depict black women who live in white societies, i.e., African-American or African-British women. Manatu (2003) further writes that the media has been challenged by scholars to seize associating black women with themes such as matriarchs, welfare mothers, and mammies. These thematic representations of black women are particularly condemned because they play a crucial role in determining the perceptions and attitudes of other members of the society towards black women and how they respond to black women’s relations to these themes. Nonetheless, Tzogopoulos (2013) writes that the negative images painted by the media against black women originate from the class, racial and gender ideologies.
Existing research has also acknowledged the media representation and stereotyping of white masculinity as dominant masculinity, especially in countries such as the United States where racism and white supremacy is a hot debate. For instance, Valerie et al. (2014) highlight the problem of white masculinity and how it has dominated the film industry, as exemplified in movies such as The Pelican, Independence Day, and Air Force One. Besides, according to Berman & White (2013), all these movies depict white masculinity and give a specific focus on masculinity, nationhood, and whiteness. Ideally, the thematic expression common among these movies is that of a bad white man outshone by a good white man to save the country by restoring the people and the presidency.
Besides, Adams-Bass et al. (2014) observe another common theme in these movies (i.e., Independence Day & Air Force One) that whiteness, associated with nationhood is threatened by the alien. The frequent depiction others as ‘aliens’ in Hollywood movies has contributed to a routine stereotyping of white masculinity as more superior and a victim of prejudice by ‘aliens.’
A culturally practiced and socially valued activity in some societies, female genital mutilation (FGM) has been a subject of condemnation by the academia, socialists, and feminists (Tzogopoulos, 2013). The issue of FGM has also caught the attention of many researchers, who have attempted to examine various aspects, including its health and psychological effects within a social context (i.e., the psychosocial effects of FGM). For instance, Knipscheer et al. (2015) investigated the impact of FGM as a cultural practice on the mental health of its victims. The cross-sectional design study involved 66 genitally mutilated immigrant participants from African countries such as Sudan, Somali Sierra Leone; who were subjected to standardized questionnaires targeting various aspects of culture. First, the selection criteria of only African immigrant women tend to limit the scope of the study because as Andro et al. (2014), other non-African communities undergo FGM in the Netherlands. Thus, to generate more accurate results, the researcher could have targeted a broader scope of participants, including non-African communities who practice FGM.
Nonetheless, the researchers begin by conceptualizing FGM as any activity that involves the partial or total removal of female genitalia or any other form of injury that affects the female sexual organ whether it is practiced for religious or cultural reasons. This conceptualization of FGM agrees with that of World Health Organization, which considers FGM as the removal or the whole, or part of the female sexual organ for cultural or religious purposes (WHO, 2001). Based on the premises that there is a lack of research on the psychosocial impact of FGM on women, Knipscheer et al. (2015) successfully conducted their study and found exciting insights that are worth noting. First, the study found that FGM contributes to the development of various mental health disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety, and the adoption of several coping styles such as drug abuse. Interestingly, these results are not unique to several other researchers. For instance, Andro et al. (2014) investigated the impacts of FGM within the European context and found that FGM is associated with a variety of long-term psychosocial issues including emotional disturbances, PTSD, anxiety, and depression. Besides, the study found that females that have undergone FGM experience a feeling of stigma and shame, and this reduces their chances of recovering without experiencing traumatic problems because they feel ashamed of talking about it. Indeed, these findings corroborate with the results by Asmundson et al. (2002) that females who have undergone FGM are reluctant to speak about their traumatic experiences because when they talk about the experience, it reawakens the pain traumatization thereby having a reinforcing effect on the already available trauma.
On the flipside, these findings conflict with the results of other studies suggesting that women who have undergone FGM may not experience PTSD. For instance, the survey by Lockhat (2004) found that a majority of women might not experience symptoms of PTSD as a result of FGM especially those who have undergone type 4 of FGM called mild sunna variant.
Ultimately, the researchers concluded that a significant number of women who have undergone FGM have clear memories of their experiences and cannot avoid the severe mental health effects that such memories have on them, instead, they have to develop various coping strategies. However, these conclusions are subject to several limitations that are worth noting. For instance, the generalizability of these findings is affected by the small sample population (n=66) that the study included.
Two scores in the Hofstede’s dimensions that the UK stands out in are the individualism dimension and the masculinity dimension. According to Hofstede (2019), the individualism dimension evaluates the degree with which members of the society live with high dependence on each other. In short, it explains whether the members of a community tend to conceptualize themselves as ‘I’ or ‘we.’
The Hofstede’s ranking for UK’s individualism dimension is 89, which means that the UK is one of the highest-ranking countries at the top of the individualism positions, including Australia and the USA. Hence, British is a highly individualistic society, and therefore, anyone moving in to work in the UK, or to conduct business with a UK partner must develop effective ways of dealing with individualistic people. For instance, to cope well within this society, one must be able to own their thoughts i.e., think for themselves and develop practical negotiating skills to earn their share of the deal (Vu et al., 2017). This is because, without practical negotiating skills, individuals might not be earning a fair share of the ‘deal’ because everyone else tries to have a better share for themselves (Edara, 2016).
Another skill that immigrants need to adopt while moving into the UK is the ability to understand personality differences and taking advantage of these differences to foster a mutual relationship with other people. According to Swader (2018), individualistic societies tend to have people with different personalities, beliefs, and attitudes, and therefore, understanding these differences can enhance the way immigrants cope with the culture. For instance, if the business partner values personal privacy, then the immigrant needs to know when to interact with their business partner and when to allow them have their privacy.
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Hofstede’s ranking also shows that the UK ranks high (66) in the masculinity dimension. First, the masculinity dimension shows how much a society is competitive, i.e., how society is driven by success, achievement, and competition. In short, people in the UK are more motivated by the desire to be the best (masculinity), rather than the desire to do what they like (femininity). As highly masculine as it is, British society tends to be much driven by success, and therefore, for immigrants to cope in this society, they must work harder and be more determined. Wrong (2016) argues that thriving in a more competitive environment, especially in business, requires a higher level of creativity, and being able to develop unique ideas/products. For example, when moving into the UK for business when dealing with UK business partners, immigrants must be ready to create unique products of processes that will compete with, or overtake the already existing products or ideas in the market. Umegaki (2017) also argues that in a competitive society, individuals must have social skills that are important in developing business networks and generating new business leads.
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